Zaid says racialist social contract a 1980s Umno creation

KUALA LUMPUR, Oct 31 — If at all there was a social contract between the Malays and non-Malays before independence, it was the guarantee of equality and the promise of the rule of law, said former de facto Law Minister Datuk Zaid Ibrahim.

Offering his take on an issue that has been at the core of a roiling debate in the country, he said that the more racialist social contract — which places more emphasis on Malay primacy — was a product of Umno ideologues in the 1980s.

He believed that on the eve of independence, one of the elements which gave Alliance leaders and all Malayans confidence was the knowledge that "a constitutional arrangement that accorded full respect and dignity for each and every Malayan, entrenched the rule of law and established a democratic framework for government had been put in place.''

The Federal Constitution, he noted, was crafted by brilliant jurists who understood the hearts of minds of those who would call this nation their home and whose children would call it their motherland.

"Hundreds of hours of meetings with representatives of all quarters resulted in a unique written constitution that cemented a compact between nine sultanates and former crown territories, '' he said.

This compact honoured the Malay Rulers, Islam, the special status of the Malays, and created an environment for the harmonious and equal coexistence of all communities through the guarantee of freedoms, he noted in a speech at the Lawasia conference today.

This social contract was unilaterally restructured in the 1980s by "a certain segment of the BN leadership that allowed for developments that have resulted in our current state of affairs,'' said Zaid.

"The non-Malay BN component parties were perceived by Umno to be weak and in no position to exert influence. Bandied about by Umno ideologues, the social contract took on a different, more racialist tone. The essence of its reconstructed meaning was this: that Malaya is primarily the home of the Malays, and that the non-Malays should acknowledge that primacy by showing deference to the Malays and Malay issues. Also, Malay interest and consent must be allowed to set the terms for the definition and exercise of non-Malay citizenship and political rights. This marked the advent of Ketuanan Melayu or, in English, Malay Supremacy.

"Affirmative action and special status became a matter of privilege by reference to race rather than of need and questioning of this new status quo was not to be tolerated.

"The new political philosophy in which the primacy of Malay interests was for all purposes and intents the raison d'être of government naturally led to interference with key institutions, '' he said.

He urged the Barisan Nasional government to abandon the reworked concept of the social contract and embrace "a fresh perspective borne out of discussions and agreements made in good faith with all the communities in this country.''

In his speech, Zaid also touched on:

• Democracy, the rule of law and Umno

"Mukhriz Mahathir will probably be the new Umno Youth leader. In saying as he did recently that there is no need for law and judicial reforms as it will not benefit the Malays, he typifies what is perceived as the kind of Umno leader who appeals to the right wing of Malay polity.

"That he may be right is sad as it leads to the ossification of values that will only work against the interests of the party and the nation. This type of thinking may pave the way to a suggestion in the future that we may as well do away with general elections altogether as they may not be good for the Malays. We are a deeply divided nation, adrift for our having abandoned democratic traditions and the rule of law in favour of a political ideology that serves no one save those who rule.''

• The transition to democracy in Indonesia

"The majority of Indonesians have embraced democracy, religious tolerance, and religious pluralism. In addition, a vibrant civil society has initiated public discussions on the nature of democracy, the separation of religion and state, women's rights, and human rights more generally. These developments have contributed to a gradual improvement in conditions for human rights, including religious freedom, over the past few years. Since 2003, Indonesia has also overtaken Malaysia on the Reporters sans Fronteres Press Freedom Index, moving up from 110th place to 100th out of 169 countries covered. Malaysia on the other hand has dropped from 104th place to 124th place in the same period. I am not surprised. In 1999, Indonesia passed a new press law that, in repealing two previous Suharto administration laws, guaranteed free press through the introduction of crucial measures. Progress has not stopped there. On April 3 this year, Indonesia passed its Freedom of Information Act. This latest law allows Indonesia's bureaucracy to be open to public scrutiny and compels government bodies to disclose information.''

• Nation building

"We have failed miserably in dealing with complex issues of society by resorting to a political culture of promoting fear and division amongst the people. The Ketuanan Melayu model has failed. It has resulted in waste of crucial resources, energy and time and has distracted from the real issues confronting the country. The obsession with the Ketuanan Melayu doctrine has in fact destroyed something precious in us. It makes us lose our sense of balance and fairness.”

• Malays and modernity

"Dr Mahathir was right to ask that Malays embrace modernity. He fell short of what we needed by focusing on the physical aspects of modernity. He was mistaken to think all that was needed to change the Malay mindset was science and technology. He should have also promoted the values of freedom, human rights and the respect of the law.”

• The Judiciary

"The courts must act with courage to protect the constitutionally-guaranteed rights of all citizens, even if to do so were to invoke the wrath of the government of the day. In PP vs Koh Wah Kuan (2007), a majority bench of the Federal Court chose to discard the doctrine of separation of powers as underlying the Federal Constitution apparently because the doctrine is not expressly provided for in the Constitution. This conclusion is mystifying as surely the court recognises that power corrupts absolutely and can thus be abused. If the courts are not about to intervene against such excesses who is? Checks and balance are what the separation of powers is about. Surely the apex court is not saying that the courts do not play a vital role in that regard?

"The rule of law has no meaning if judges, especially apex court judges, are not prepared to enter the fray in the struggle for the preservation of human rights and the fundamental liberties. To all our judges I say discard your political leanings and philosophy. Stick to justice in accordance with the law. - The Malaysian Insider

The social-contract/constitution equivalency

By Tricia Yeoh
editor@thenutgraph.com

First Conference of Rulers in Kuala Kangsar, 1897 (Public domain)

LAST week, the Conference of Rulers issued a much-publicised statement. The statement reiterated the special position of the Malay rulers, Islam, the Malay language, and the genuine interests of other communities as enshrined in the Federal Constitution. The rulers reminded Malaysians that it is not proper to dispute the provisions of the Federal Constitution.

Many have pondered the significance of the statement's issuance, since it comes immediately following a series of incidents that increasingly tug at Malaysia's inter-ethnic fabric.

There was the decision by the Home Ministry to declare Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf) an illegal organisation.

And then there is the continuing showdown between Seputeh Member of Parliament Teresa Kok and Malay-language daily Utusan Malaysia. Both parties are at psychological war with the other, although Kok was never proven guilty over the so-called azan debacle, which started the face-off.

Most recently, the daily published a fictional story about the murder of a Chinese woman politician, a character which many believe alludes to Kok (even though its author has denied any correlation).
Multiple interpretations

The rulers' statement, just as the constitution on which it is based, is likely to be interpreted differently by various quarters. Barisan Nasional leaders welcomed the assurance that all communities in Malaysia are treated fairly.

However, due to the timing of the statement, it could also be interpreted as a convenient legitimisation of the more racist factions within Umno. It could lead to an even more aggressive defence of the ketuanan Melayu (Malay supremacy) discourse.

The statement also comes at a time when Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak is almost assured of his ascent as Prime Minister come March 2009, barely five months away. And memories of his 1987 statement, that he would bathe the keris with Chinese blood, are still fresh for many Malaysians. One can only hope he has changed his sentiments in that regard.

On the other hand, the contents of the rulers' statement were not all that surprising, really. Some might say it was a chilling warning sent to all citizens that the social contract should not be challenged. However, the rulers also emphasised that "all provisions in the Federal Constitution" are "known as the social contract". This gives new meaning to the idea of a social contract.

In recent public discussions, politicians have only assumed it to be the exchange of Malay rights for non-Malay citizenship. But according to the rulers' definition, the entire constitution is the contract between state and citizen.

(Mis)understanding history

The debate about the position of the Malays should therefore be interpreted in light of the constitution as a whole. It is true that Article 153 highlights the special position of Malays, natives of Sabah and Sarawak, and the legitimate interests of other communities. However, it should also be read alongside Article 8, which guarantees equality before the law regardless of religion, race, descent, or place of birth.

I also find this sentence in the statement utterly intriguing: "Among the reasons identified for these [misunderstandings] ... is the cursory knowledge of those concerned regarding the historical background as to why these provisions were enshrined in the Federal Constitution, and the influence of their attempts to implicate the principles of impartiality and justice without regard for the historical background and social condition of this country."

It is unclear whether the rulers were chastising those who have questioned the social contract, or "Malay leaders" who have retaliated. Either way, the rulers seem to be ticking off those who misunderstand history, and those who are impeding upon the principles of impartiality and justice.

Therefore, to clarify a point on history, I quote the Constitutional Commission in developing the Constitution (1956):

"[A] common nationality was the basis upon which a unified Malaysian nation was to be created and that under a democratic form of Government it was inherent that all the citizens of Malaya, irrespective of race, creed or culture, should enjoy certain fundamental rights."

A common nationality seems to have been the rightful objective of the Federal Constitution, which the rulers say is synonymous with the social contract.

Hindraf supporters at opposition leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim's Aidilfitri open house on 12 Oct 2008

Safeguarding legitimate interests

Furthermore, the rulers' statement actually called on the Malays to "be united to safeguard the ... genuine interests of the other communities in Malaysia as enshrined in the Federal Constitution."

That the interests of other communities are well taken care of is emphasised several times in the statement. Indeed, Article 153 is often cited as the legal basis that protects the special rights of Malays. But the article specifies the "special position", which can be argued as socioeconomic position, of three categories: Malays; natives of Sabah and Sarawak; and legitimate interests of other communities. The latter is often a forgotten category, which is clearly stipulated in Article 153.

One could argue that the plight of the marginalised Indian community, as raised by Hindraf, falls perfectly under the purview of Article 153, too.

Due to the politicisation of race in Malaysia, Article 153 has been considered the be-all, end-all license for race-based affirmative action and ketuanan Melayu. Suflan Shamsuddin, in his book Reset, argues that it is not the article itself that people are disputing today, but rather the wrongful application of it.

If, for example, the government of the day were democratically elected, with sufficient checks and balances, the application of Article 153 would not be in such a mess. There would not be blatant misinterpretation, and there would not be misuse and abuse of a legitimate contract. The arbitrary means of handling the special position of certain communities have led to great distress.

Encourage dialogue

I hardly imagine that ordinary citizens would question the position of the Malay rulers, Islam as religion of the state, and Malay as the national language. Instead, it is those policies considered as racist and discriminatory that many have problems with. Unmitigated ketuanan Melayu has little constitutional basis, after all.

In fact, the New Economic Policy (NEP) was introduced in 1971 to correct socioeconomic imbalances among the different ethnic groups. It was quite a fair policy to begin with, and it certainly was not introduced on the basis of Article 153. To claim that the NEP was formulated on the basis of Article 153 is a retroactive attempt to say the NEP has constitutional grounds. This is a misguided afterthought, and a false argument.

The rulers stressed the need for peace, harmony and mutual respect to maintain order in the country. No Malaysian desires violence, instability and disaster. However, in seeking national unity, there must also be efforts at achieving a genuine peace and harmony that is not based on pretence.

The process of achieving this requires some civil discussion and conversation among all Malaysians. And this should be encouraged, especially among the younger generations who were not present during the formulation of the original social contract. Seeking rational dialogue — even regarding the social contract — is a much better solution than concocting political assassinations in short fiction.

Tricia Yeoh is Director of the Centre for Public Policy Studies. She believes that Article 153 of the Federal Constitution is itself not strong enough a basis to argue for racial supremacy or discriminatory policies.

THE UNDAUNTED PRINCE

Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah is again trying to achieve his dream of becoming Umno president but with a national agenda in mind. Some say he is pushing his luck; he says he is proving a point.

DRIVING into Gua Musang, one is greeted by a huge banner announcing a religious event at Masjid Razaleigh.

The mosque is named after the constituency’s nine-term MP, Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, who began representing the expanse of jungle and village settlements way back when the area was known as Ulu Kelantan.

And the area is ulu (remote, with the connotation of backwardness). Gua Musang boasts the largest population of orang asli in Kelantan and they revere him. Razaleigh, in turn, attends to their modest needs and supplies them with bicycles so they can get around.

Razaleigh grew up in a wealthy, political family. His father was Kelantan mentri besar before Merdeka but even as a young man, Razaleigh had his sights on the federal capital.

Now, into the second weekend of the Umno polls, the contest for the party leadership looks like a badly listing ship. Razaleigh has not, to date, received a single nomination.

Conversely, the heir apparent Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak has already received 43 nominations out the 58 (30% of 191 divisions) required to qualify him for the top post.

Razaleigh and Najib are the only contenders for the helm, and Razaleigh actually threw in his hat first. He had offered himself as the alternative to Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi months before the latter announced he was relinquishing the position to his deputy.

At 71, the dignified, soft-spoken Razaleigh is a generation older than his 55-year-old opponent. There is a yawning gap of experience between him and the outspoken, mostly ambitious division chiefs who are at least 20 to 30 years his junior. But he does not see age as an impediment.

“Age is based on our ability to think,” he said with a smile.

Their old family ties make it just a bit awkward for Najib today to stand against his former mentor. When Razaleigh was managing Petronas, Najib’s father, second prime minister Tun Abdul Razak, had asked Razaleigh to take his son, freshly back with an economics degree after several years’ study in the United Kingdom, under his wing. Najib was told to carry Razaleigh’s briefcase and learn everything he could from him.

In keeping with his old school refinement, he has never hinted, not even in a fleeting, private moment, that Najib, or anyone else, “owed him”.

Now Razaleigh wants to make a point. He wants to remind Umno delegates that demo­cracy is very much a party tradition and the quota system — whereby candidates were required to get a certain number of nominations to qualify to run, plus entitling them to bonus points to boot — was alien to the party spirit. Razaleigh’s repeated attempts to abolish the quota system have failed, however.

If “the purpose of any political party is to win elections”, as Kelantan state Opposition Leader from Kok Lanas Datuk Md Alwi Che Ahmad asserted, then the role of politicians is to lead.

Razaleigh is no exception. He has his ambitions, if tempered by national exigencies. Look­ing at the crop of younger aspirants and their naked ambitions has not been reassuring.

“This time I am forced to come forward because no one else has the courage to stand, especially for the Malays who have no choice,” said Razaleigh.

Quietly, he has been traversing the country to remind people that he is still to be counted.

“Next general election, Umno might be rejected. And the Malays will not have a platform. Some say there is PAS. But PAS’ struggle is different.

“I heard that not only the Malays but even Umno members themselves voted the DAP. We were almost wiped out in the Federal Territory. In Permatang Pauh (by-election), there are 20,000 Umno members but Barisan received only 10,000 votes.”

He holds “the collective leadership, not any single individual leader, responsible”, meaning the Cabinet and the Umno supreme council.

Razaleigh is proud to be a lifetime member of Umno and cannot imagine leaving the party “unless they do something really detrimental to the Malays”.

“I want to democratise the party. The leadership should not have too much power. Mem­bers are now afraid of leaders, whereas it should be the other way round.”

If he were to win the president’s post, he proposed giving members, rather than delegates, the right to vote in the party leadership. He would also propose that the president hold office for not more than three terms, while state liaison chiefs be limited to two terms.

In the spirit of democracy, Razaleigh has declined to name a running mate, leaving that choice to party delegates.

Final chance

This is Razaleigh’s final stab at the top party post — and by extension the prime minister’s job. He challenged (Tun) Dr Mahathir Mohamad in 1987 and famously lost by 43 votes. According to sources close to him, Razaleigh had banked on Najib’s support but some time that day, Najib had had a change of heart.

“When I was not chosen, I backed down,” Razaleigh said simply. The quota system was introduced after that divisive party polls.

In 2004, only Gua Musang had nominated him and Razaleigh became ineligible to run for party president.

Razaleigh is an astute, experienced politician. But his palace background limits his combat in action. Uncle to the Sultan and Raja Perempuan of Kelantan, Razaleigh is fasti­dious about maintaining his princely stature.

In fact, it has become second nature to him, even in his short-sleeved cotton-shirted days when as Semangat ‘46 president he had consorted with the opposition in the Barisan Alternatif. Wallowing in the mud fighting for party positions is beneath him.

He admitted, after just a whisper of hesitation “on a Friday, so I can’t lie” to having held discussions with the Pakatan Rakyat “on general matters” without getting into the speci­fics of posts and positions. It was they who had approached him, he said.

“I was happy to talk to them to know their plans and they met me to get my views.”

In the current political whirlwind, Razaleigh has been the only candidate to offer an alternative blueprint for the Barisan Nasional’s continued survival. He suggested a single, expanded multi-racial party to which individuals could directly subscribe.

Just as Abdul Razak had formed a unifying coalition in the Barisan Nasional in 1974, after having suffered at the polls in 1969, so too, he felt, it was time for a fresh direction after the ravages of the March 8 general election.

“We must open doors so individuals can join,” said Razaleigh, although conceding that for now “it’s just a proposal which may not materialise”.

That idea was picked up by Abdullah and announced at the Gerakan assembly. Non-Malays lauded the proposal for direct membership to the coalition and an instant TV3 short-messaging service (SMS) poll showed that more than 70% of respondents supported the idea.

The proposal echoed a similar suggestion by Umno founder Datuk Onn Jaafar in the years before Merdeka. But Umno at that time was not ready.

Apparently, today it still is not prepared to accept such a drastic policy change. A clutch of Umno leaders promptly responded that it was premature and that Umno still had a role to play.

Obviously if Malaysians could subscribe directly to the Barisan, the individual component parties would become irrelevant. On such a level playing field, the Malays in parti­cular would feel threatened that their tacit privileged position in Malaysian politics would be eroded.

With such sentiments gripping Umno in the months leading up to its March party election, the idea dissipated as quickly as it was floated. It was, however, an idea very much in keeping with the country’s current mood, as proven by Anwar’s winning of Malaysian multi-racial hearts.

Anwar has dominated these past few months on the political roller-coaster.

“He called the shots,” said a blogger aligned to the maverick figure.

Abdullah’s untimely departure from the national stage was hastened by Umno’s fears that Anwar was imminently to form an alternative government. Meanwhile, the Umno grassroots were restless and the supreme council was unable to keep their own ambitions in check.

Nevertheless, the blogger does not think that Anwar can now pull it off. “The moment has passed,” he said reflectively of Anwar’s initial deadline to form a new government on Sept 16.

A man to respect

If Razaleigh harbours any personal agenda, apart from wanting to rescue the battered economy, it is just to prove that he can do it.

Before Abdul Razak died, he had called seven people to his bedside, including Dr Mahathir, (Tun) Musa Hitam and Razaleigh, recounted Alwi.

Razak had told them: “My successor will be from among you all. Take turns according to seniority.”

Razaleigh held by that. So after Dr Mahathir, it should have been Razaleigh, then Musa, said Alwi, the Prime Minister’s political secretary.

Now Razaleigh “wants to tell the public Umno is a democratic party where you can challenge anybody if you have the credibility. So he wants to give that option. It is not a question of him winning, getting nominations,” explained Alwi.

To him, Razaleigh’s credibility does not stem from his royal roots — which do count in Kelantan — but from his experience and stature.

“He has the stature of Dr Mahathir and Musa. He is of that generation, not ours. We cannot reach his level of thinking. That’s why we must think of him as a statesman and don’t fight him, (but) listen to his advice,” Alwi said.

The theoretically logical solution earlier mooted by some that Razaleigh become president and Najib his deputy, at least for a term until things cooled down politically, has received lukewarm response.

“Of course, he’s out of place. Out of time, out of place. But you can use his talent, his stature to strengthen Umno. Razaleigh is such a personality. He must be respected,” said Alwi.

Those who have given up on Razaleigh’s prospects must understand that generational factor, he added.

“As Pak Lah said: Umno doesn’t understand Pak Lah; Umno doesn’t understand Razaleigh. They come from that first generation. And Umno now is not that generation.”

Idris Jala Receives Excellence In Leadership Award From Frost & Sullivan

KUALA LUMPUR, Oct 16 (Bernama) -- MAS managing director and chief executive officer Datuk Seri Idris Jala has been honoured with "Excellence in Leadership Award by Frost & Sullivan, a leading strategic market consulting and training services provider.

"I am honoured to receive this award. However, this award belongs to the entire team at Malaysia Airlines. Without their support and cooperation, I would not have been able to achieve the successful turnaround of Malaysia Airlines," he said in a statement.

Idris was the sole recipient from the aviation industry to receive an award at the Frost & Sullivan awards ceremony at Mandarin Oriental Hotel Wednesday.

MAS Chairman Tan Sri Dr Munir Majid said the award recognises Idris as an individual who has made significant impact through his excellence in leadership, innovation in decision-making, implementation of strategies and accomplishments in driving the turnaround of Malaysia Airlines.

"His compelling and inspirational leadership have won the respect of all of us within the company, industry and the general public. We are proud of him and he has our whole-hearted and continued support of his leadership as we march forward with our Business Transformation Plan," he added.

Idris was appointed managing director and chief executive officer in December 2005 in the aftermath of the national carrier's biggest financial loss in its corporate history.

In February 2006, he announced the airline’s Business Turnaround Plan (BTP).

From a nine-month loss of RM1.3 billion in 2005, he managed to turnaround the airline in less than two years.

The airline registered a record RM851 million in net profit in 2007.

Building upon its successful BTP, Idris announced Malaysia Airlines' five-year Business Transformation Plan Two in January aimed at achieving RM1.5 billion annual profit by 2012. -- BERNAMA

MIER says growth to fall from 5.3% in 2008 to 3.4% next year

KUALA LUMPUR, Oct 16 — While optimistically predicting Malaysia's economic to grow 5.3 percent for 2008, the Malaysian Institute of Economic Research (MIER) today forecasted the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth will contract to 3.4 percent in 2009 due to a gloomy global outlook.

MIER executive director Datuk Dr Mohamed Arif Abdul Kareem said it adjusted the GDP growth from 4.6 percent to 5.3 percent for 2008 due to the higher-than-expected domestic growth during the first half of this year and the resilient US economy earlier this year

However, Bernama reported that he cautioned it was likely that growth would deteriorate late this year as the Malaysian economy was taking a hit from the knock-on effects of a flagging global economy.

He added that the United States had managed to post a good performance in the second quarter of 2008, delaying a severe slowdown thanks to tax rebates, a stronger dollar and cut in interest rates.

According to him, Malaysia may experience a technical recession in 2009 or two consecutive contractions, “probably in the second and third quarter”. Mohamed Arif said indications also pointed to the Malaysian economy facing a “strong headwind” in the coming years.

“It is not something that we saw in 1997/98 Asian financial crisis where it saw sharp contractions and sharp recovery,” he said, adding MIER had revised the 2009 outlook to 3.4 percent from 5.0 percent earlier.

“The effect will be milder this time but it's going to last longer. We will not experience a growth contraction of 7.4 percent this time around,” he added.

Mohamed Arif said the economy should be back on track to growth trajectory in 2011 and until then “we will see sluggish growth as we have to wait others to recover as well”.

However, he said that Malaysia's fundamentals were generally good except the budget deficit.

“Budget deficit this year will exceed five percent of GDP and exceed four percent next year,” he said, adding that the expected widening of deficit was due to lower government revenue as crude oil prices came down to US$70 per barrel.

He also said that the 2009 Budget had envisaged the oil price at US$125 per barrel with the oil earnings contributing about 40 percent to the government revenue.

According to Mohamed Arif, the Malaysian economy is also one of the better ones in the region.

“It is in the sense that macroeconomy has been good, the financial sector is fairly stable and we continue to record current account surpluses. We are in a better position to weather the storm compared to others but we cannot take things for granted,” he said.

On the ringgit, MIER was of the view that the local unit was still undervalued though in weakening mode.

“The ringgit is weakening partly because the US dollar is strengthening. Ironically, the dollar is strengthening amid a weak economy. One salient explanation is that the US is continuing its borrowings. Capital is still flowing from the US, thus pushing up demand for the dollar,” Mohamed Arif said.

“We dont think the ringgit will go back to the three ringgit to a dollar as we have forecast earlier. The ringgit will strengthen as the dollar adjusts downwards. It may hit its low of 3.6 and settle around 3.3 or 3.4 next year,” he said.

On the interest rate, Mohamed Arif said that MIER did not rule out the possibility of the government revising downward the rate early next year.

“It is not going to be large. It could be 25 basis points. It is likely to happen in line with moderate inflation,” he said.

Regarding the political scene, Mohamed Arif said long-term investors were not disturbed by the current political development amid slower economic growth though “one may coincide the other and compound the difficulties”.

“They said we are heading in the right direction, political speaking. Malaysia is more mature, going for the dual party system. It is music to the ears because it can ensure good governance, transparency and accountability,” he said.

According to Mohamed Arif, MIER is worried about the secondary impact of the US recession as China's economy is not immune.

“There are already indications that China is beginning to feel the pinch.

If China doesnt export as much as before, our exports will also be affected. We cannot take this lightly,” he said.

He also said that the global rescue package would only provide some relief but it could not really prevent a recession. - Bernama

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