Doctor on the run: Police want him to Fabricate Evidence against Anwar

Malaysia Today

Posted by Super Admin
Monday, 28 July 2008 00:18

The doctor’s report says it very clearly. Saiful was never sodomised, either by Anwar or anyone else. Why is the government still pursuing the case against Anwar? And why are they looking for the doctor who has now gone underground with his whole family?

NO HOLDS BARRED
Raja Petra Kamarudin

On 21 July 2008, I published an article in this same column called HOW, YET AGAIN, THEY ARE TRYING TO FABRICATE EVIDENCE AGAINST ANWAR. (Read the article here ).

In that article I mentioned as follows:

You see, they asked a certain doctor from a certain hospital to conduct an examination on Saiful. The doctor did so and he came out with a report that said there is no evidence Anwar had ever penetrated or sodomised the young man. The police then picked up the doctor and detained him for three days. As much as they tried to force him to change his report to implicate Anwar he refused to do so.

Until today, the doctor stands by his report that there is no evidence Anwar had sodomised Saiful. He knows he is going to be made to pay for this but he doesn’t care. He is not going to change his report and say that Anwar sodomised Saiful whatever they do to him. Exasperated, the police had to release Anwar on personal bond or police bail. The doctor refuses to doctor his report and neither does Anwar want to volunteer his new specimen.

Well, that doctor’s name is Dr Mohamed Osman Abdul Hamid from the Hospital Pusrawi and he has now taken his entire family and has gone into hiding because the police are looking for him and they want him to change his medical report.

Saiful (centre) at the press conference with his father Azlan Mohd Lazim (left) and lawyer Zamri Idrus.

At 2.00pm on 28 June 2008, Mohd Saiful Bukhari Bin Azlan went to see Dr Mohamed Osman to complain about a pain he is suffering in his anus. Saiful told the doctor that he had been assaulted by ‘a very important person’ -- meaning, of course, sodomised by Anwar Ibrahim.

Dr Mohamed Osman examined Saiful but found no evidence that he had been sodomised, either by Anwar Ibrahim or anyone else for that matter. The doctor’s report (which can be viewed below) says that there is zero (0) skin tearing, zero (0) active bleeding, zero (0) traces of pus, etc., which basically means he can’t be suffering from a pain in the anus as what he alleges.

The doctor’s diagnosis is that he rules out or TRO (to rule out) assault (sodomised). In short: Mohd Saiful Bukhari Bin Azlan is not suffering any pain in the anus and neither was he assaulted or sodomised in the anus.

Saiful then said he would like to make a police report so Dr Mohamed Osman suggested he go for a second medical examination at a government hospital. Saiful did so and the doctor at the government hospital also came out with the same diagnosis. Nevertheless, Saiful still made his police report at the pondok police in the hospital.

In spite of the doctors all confirming that Saiful was never sodomised, the police still pursued the case. Anwar Ibrahim was subsequently arrested by about 20 SWAT members in Balaclavas and armed to the teeth in a dramatic movie-style action-packed drama in front of his house after he had confirmed he would be reporting to the police station at 2.00pm as required.

The police detained Anwar in the lockup until the next morning and even brought him to the hospital for examination and to try to obtain his specimen for what the police say are for purposes of doing a DNA profile. The fact that the police already have Anwar’s DNA profile from 1998, plus the doctors from both hospitals confirm that Saiful was never sodomised, did not seem to matter.

Clearly the government is attempting to fabricate evidence against Anwar and is trying to indict him on trumped-up charges of sodomy. And who but the slime-ball AG and scumbag IGP, the same two players in the 1998 episode, can be behind this latest travesty of justice.

The doctor’s report says it very clearly. Saiful was never sodomised, either by Anwar or anyone else. Why is the government still pursuing the case against Anwar? And why are they looking for the doctor who has now gone underground with his whole family?

Civil society movements, NGOs and the Malaysian Bar Council must not remain silent. The police have already detained the doctor for three days but he still refuses to doctor his medical report. Anwar did not sodomise Saiful and the doctor’s report says it very clearly. And the police also have a copy of this same report that I have published below so they know what I know. And now Malaysians also already know what I and the police know -- that Saiful was never sodomised by anyone.

ADDENDUMS

Najib will never become PM, says Dr M

KUALA LUMPUR, July 10 — Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, who turned 83 today, dropped a bombshell — he predicted that Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi will never allow his deputy Datuk Seri Najib Razak to take over as Prime Minister.

Picture courtesy of The Malaysian Insider

Writing in his blog chedet.com, the former premier did not mince his words when putting forth his theory.

Dr Mahathir said that although Abdullah promises that Najib would succeed him by 2010, allegations would be hurled against the deputy prime minister before then to show up his inability to take over.

The Malaysian Insider had reported earlier that Abdullah would announce his decision to relinquish his post in June 2010

"Somebody who is deemed more loyal to Datuk Seri Abdullah will replace him (Najib). The replacement candidate will not take over the prime minister's post in 2010 because he lacks experience. Datuk Seri Abdullah will then hang on to his post until the 13th General Election.

"If the people's current trend of thinking continues (until the next general election), Barisan Nasional will lose the elections and Datuk Seri Abdullah will no longer be the prime minister. Therefore, there will be nothing for Datuk Seri Najib to take over from," said Dr Mahathir in his blog.

The former prime minister also accused Abdullah of not practising what he preaches; in particular, not adhering to his own directive to Umno.

"Campaigning for party elections is not allowed but the party president can bring all division leaders together and tell them not to challenge him for the president's post," he added.

He also said that Abdullah would assure Najib that there would be no challenges for his job. "If Muhyiddin insists on contesting, he will be seen as disloyal to the party and deemed a traitor because he does not respect the president's ‘democratic’ directive," he said.

But this is what Dato Seri Najib said as he paid tribute to the PM for setting a specific timetable for the handover of power. He noted that various people had urged him to go for broke in December.

"I must admit it was nice to hear this. But after calm had returned, I asked myself about my own core values. The fact is that I have never won a position by contest. It seems odd that at the tail end, I want to contest for a position. The concept of transfer of power suits my personality and my values. I don't want to do anything which I don't want done to me. I would not want to be force to step down, so I will not do it to someone else."

This tradition of not challenging the top leaders began after the debacle in 1987 that ended with Umno being deregistered following a challenge by Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah against Dr Mahathir. The next year, Umno in the form of Umno Baru was registered.

PI BALA retracts parts of declaration

The Star Online
KUALA LUMPUR, MALAYSIA

Political analyst Abdul Razak Baginda's private investigator P. Balasubramaniam on Friday retracted the statutory declaration which he made less than 24 hours ago.

In a startling turn of events Balasubramaniam revealed in a second statutory declaration that he wished "to retract the entire contents of my statutory declaration dated July 1 2008. I was compelled to affirm the said statutory declaration under duress".

The document also read that all statements made were inaccurate and not the truth.

A visibly perturbed Balasubramaniam remained mum on Friday when met by pressmen who had rushed to a hotel here where his new lawyer Arulampalam Mariam Pillai accompanied him for the brief press conference.

Private investigator P.Balasubramaniam (left) talking with his new lawyer Arulampalam Arulampalam Mariam Pillai after the press conference Friday where he retracted the earlier statutory declaration, denying that Abdul Razak Baginda said anything to him that linked the Deputy Prime Minister to Mongolian murder victim Altantuya Shaariibuu. - Bernama

Dressed in a cap and T-shirt Balasubramaniam refused to answer questions posed to him and left quickly after his lawyer distributed the second statutory declaration to reporters.

Arulampalam also refused to entertain pressmen, giving only a brief statement that his client was under duress and that he was upset.

The new statutory declaration withdrew all statements that Balasubramaniam had revealed to a packed press conference organised by PKR de facto leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim at party headquarters on Thursday.

This included the fact that he had informed police what political analyst Abdul Razak Baginda had purportedly told him prior to Altantuya's murder.

The 10 statements highlighted in the second statutory declaration dated July 4 were:

* At no material time did Razak inform him (Balasubramaniam) that the former was introduced to Altantuya Shaariibuu by a VIP;

* At no material time did Razak inform him that Najib had a sexual relationship with Altantuya and that she was "susceptible to anal intercourse";

* At no material time did Razak inform him that Najib instructed Razak to look after Altantuya as he did not want her to harass him since he (Najib) was the Deputy Prime Minister;

* At no material time did Razak and/or Altantuya inform him that Najib, together with Razak and Altantuya had met and all been together at a dinner in Paris;

* At no material time did Altantuya inform him that she wanted money in the sum of US$500,000 as a commission for a submarine deal she "assisted" with in Paris;

* At no time whatsoever did Razak and/or Altantuya inform him that Najib met with Altantuya in Singapore;

* At no time whatsoever did Altantuya inform him that she wanted Balasubramaniam to arrange to see Najib;

* At no time did he tell the police during the course of their investigations about any relationship between Najib and Altantuya as no such relationship existed to his knowledge;

* At no time did Razak inform him that he had sent Najib an SMS the evening before he (Razak) was arrested; and

* At no time did Razak inform him that Najib has sent him an SMS on the day of his (Razak) arrest to the effect that he was going to see the IGP that day and that the matter should be resolved and for Razak to remain calm.

Statutory Declaration by Balasubramaniam a/l Perumal on Altantuya Murder case

From the Office of Anwar Ibrahim: Press Statement - for immediate release
3 July 2008, Petaling Jaya, Malaysia

Today we witness another episode of a consistent pattern of abuse of power and manipulation of the criminal justice system.

Recently one of the witnesses in the Altantuya trial approached us with detailed information of events connected to her disappearance and murder. The information was shocking.

Mr. P. Balasubramaniam, who was engaged by Abdul Razak Baginda as a private investigator was advised to seek legal counsel and document his story independently.

Today he is releasing a statutory declaration dated 1st July 2008 to the public detailing the story that he has to tell about what actually happened and what was told to him by key personalities in this saga including Abdul Razak Baginda and Altantuya herself.

These revelations speak for themselves. They reveal, amongst others, the following allegations:

1.Mr. Balasubramaniam was engaged by Abdul Razak Baginda to deal with alleged harassment by Altantuya in relation to debts owed to her (Paragraph 5 and 6).

2.Altantuya was promised a commission of USD 500,000 for assisting in a submarine deal in Paris (Paragraph 22, Paragraph 25.5 and Paragraph 28.2 and 28.3 ).

3.Altantuya was introduced to Razak Baginda by Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak at a diamond exhibition in Singapore ( Paragraph 25.5 and Paragraph 28.1).

4.Altantuya, Datuk Seri Najib and Razak Baginda had all been seen together at a dinner in Paris (Paragraph 28.2).

5.After the disappearance of Altantuya, a commotion took place in front of Razak Baginda’s house several days after 20 December 2006 where girl friends of Altantuya and one Mr.Ang (Altantuya’s own private investigator) arrived searching for Altantuya. Balasubramaniam had to call the police. A patrol car arrived shortly. Shortly thereafter an investigating officer from Dang Wangi Police Station who was handling the missing persons report lodged by one of Altantuya’s girl friends arrived. Balasubramaniam then informed Razak Baginda who was at home to inform him of the events taking place at his front gate. Razak then called one DSP Musa Safri who called him back informing him that Musa would be calling him on his handphone and that he was to pass the phone to the inspector from Dang Wangi Police station. Balasubramaniam then received the call from Musa Safri and duly passed the phone to the inspector. After the conversation of 3 - 4 minutes, the inspector told the girls to disperse and to see him the next day (Paragraphs 34 - 38). We believe DSP Musa Safri was aide-de-camp to Datuk Seri Najib at the material time.

6.Balasubramaniam was interrogated at Bukit Aman for seven consecutive days and his statement recorded at the end of November 2006. He says that he told the police all that he knew including everything Razak Baginda and Altantuya had told him about their relationships with Najib. These details were omitted from the statement he was asked to sign (Paragraph 49).

7.During the trial of Sirul, Azilah and Razak Baginda at at the Shah Alam High Court, the prosecutor did not ask him any questions in respect of the relationship Altantuya had with Datuk Seri Najib or of the phone call that he had received form DSP Musa Safri (Paragraph 50).

8.When Razak Baginda was arrested, Balasubramaniam was told by him that he had sent an SMS messsage to Najib the evening before (Paragraph 51). Razak also informed Balasubramaniam that he had received an SMS from Najib and showed it to him; the message read “I am seeing IGP at 11 A.M. today …. matter will be solved … be cool”.

Mr. Balasubramaniam’s evidence also mentions the extent of the relationship between Altantuya and Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak. We are not interested in the personal nature of the relationship. That is entirely his own business and hers.

However the allegations revealed by him raise key questions of public interest:

a)Suppression of evidence by the police investigating officers and those responsible for prosecuting this case. Such suppression could only have happened with the full knowledge of top public officials such as the IGP and the AG.

b)The question is also raised as to whether such suppression of evidence was the reason behind the last minute switch in DPP’s handling the case - where the head of the Criminal Division of the AG’s Chambers, Datuk Yusuf Zainal Abiden was completely sidelined from the case leading him and the senior DPP originally slotted for the case Sallehudin Saidin to put in papers for early retirement some months later.

c)Questions can be raised now with regard to the sudden switching of the judge fixed to hear the case which took place in March 2007 - why was this really done?

d) Did Datuk Seri Najib lie when he said that he had never met Altantuya before?

e) Did Datuk Seri Najib lie when he said that he was not involved in any commission deals for the purchases of the Scorpene submarines”

Mr.Balasubramaniam’s evidence vindicate what we have been saying all along; there has been no proper investigation of the murder of Altantuya and the investigation and proceedings in court seem to following a pre-arranged script for a pre-arranged outcome.

This has serious implications for the administration of justice in the country where the integrity and credibility of our key institutions such as the police, the AG’s chambers and the judiciary are already severely tarnished.

Today’s revelations further confirm a clear and consistent pattern of manipulation of the criminal justice system that we have witnessed in this country since 1998.

The allegations revealed here warrant a full Royal Commission of Inquiry.

Statutory Declaration by Balasubramaniam a/l Perumal —
[PDF Version]

STATUTORY DECLARATION

I, Balasubramaniam a/l Perumal (NRIC NO: xxxxxx-xx-6235) a Malaysian Citizen of full age and residing at xxxxx, Selangor do solemly and sincerely declare as follows :-

1. I have been a police officer with the Royal Malaysian Police Force having jointed as a constable in 1981 attached to the Police Field Force. I was then promoted to the rank of lance Corporal and finally resigned from the Police Force in 1998 when I was with the Special Branch.

2. I have been working as a free lance Private Investigator since I left the Police Force.

3. Sometime in June or July 2006, I was employed by Abdul Razak Baginda for a period of 10 days to look after him at his office at the Bangunan Getah Asli, Jalan Ampang between the hours of 8.00 a.m. to 5.00 p.m each working day as apparently he was experiencing disturbances from a third party.

4. I resigned from this job after 2 ½ days as I was not receiving any proper instructions.

5. I was however re-employed by Abdul Razak Baginda on the 05-10-2006 as he had apparently received a harassing phone call from a Chinese man calling himself ASP Tan who had threatened him to pay his debts. I later found out this gentleman was in fact a private investigator called Ang who was employed by a Mongolian woman called Altantuya Shaaribuu.

6. Abdul Razak Baginda was concerned that a person by the name of Altantuya Shaaribuu, a Mongolian woman, was behind this threat and that she would be arriving in Malaysia very soon to try and contact him.

7. Abdul Razak Baginda informed me that he was concerned by this as he had been advised that Altantuya Shaaribuu had been given some powers by a Mongolian ‘bomoh’ and that he could never look her in the face because of this.

8. When I enquired as to who this Mongolian woman was, Abdul Razak Baginda informed me that she was a friend of his who had been introduced to him by a VIP and who asked him to look after her financially.

9. I advised him to lodge a police report concerning the threatening phone call he had received from the Chinese man known as ASP Tan but he refused to do so as he informed me there were some high profile people involved.

10. Abdul Razak Baginda further told me that Altantuya Shaaribuu was a great liar and good in convincing people. She was supposed to have been very demanding financially and that he had even financed a property for her in Mongolia.

11. Abdul Razak Baginda then let me listen to some voice messages on his handphone asking him to pay what was due otherwise he would be harmed and his daughter harassed.

12. I was therefore supposed to protect his daughter Rowena as well.

13. On the 09.10.2006 I received a phone call from Abdul Razak Baginda at about 9.30 a.m. informing me that Altantuya was in his office and he wanted me there immediately. As I was in the midst of a surveillance, I sent my assistant Suras to Abdul Razak Baginda’s office and I followed a little later. Suras managed to control the situation and had persuaded Altantuya and her two friends to leave the premises. However Altantuya left a note written on some Hotel Malaya note paper, in English, asking Abdul Razak Baginda to call her on her handphone (number given) and wrote down her room number as well.

14. Altantuya had introduced herself to Suras as ‘Aminah’ and had informed Suras she was there to see her boyfriend Abdul Razak Baginda.

15. These 3 Mongolian girls however returned to Abdul Razak Baginda’s office at the Bangunan Getah Asli, Jalan Ampang again, the next day at about 12.00 noon. They did not enter the building but again informed Suras that they wanted to meet Aminah’s boyfriend, Abdul Razak Baginda.

16. On the 11.10.2006, Aminah returned to Abdul Razak Baginda’s office on her own and gave me a note to pass to him, which I did. Abdul Razak Baginda showed me the note which basically asked him to call her urgently.

17. I suggested to Abdul Razak Baginda that perhaps it may be wise to arrange for Aminah to be arrested if she harassed him further, but he declined as he felt she would have to return to Mongolia as soon as her cash ran out.

18. In the meantime I had arranged for Suras to perform surveillance on Hotel Malaya to monitor the movements of these 3 Mongolian girls, but they recognized him. Apparently they become friends with Suras after that and he ended up spending a few nights in their hotel room.

19. When Abdul Razak Baginda discovered Suras was becoming close to Aminah he asked me to pull him out from Hotel Malaya.

20. On the 14.10.2006, Aminah turned up at Abdul Razak Baginda’s house in Damansara Heights when I was not there. Abdul Razak Baginda called me on my handphone to inform me of this so I rushed back to his house. As I arrived, I noticed Aminah outside the front gates shouting “Razak, bastard, come out from the house”. I tried to calm her down but couldn’t so I called the police who arrived in 2 patrol cars. I explained the situation to the police, who took her away to the Brickfields police station.

21. I followed the patrol cars to Brickfields police station in a taxi. I called Abdul Razak Baginda and his lawyer Dirren to lodge a police report but they refused.

22. When I was at the Brickfields police station, Aminah’s own Private Investigator, one Mr. Ang arrived and we had a discussion. I was told to deliver a demand to Abdul Razak Baginda for USD$500,000.00 and 3 tickets to Mongolia, apparently as commission owed to Aminah from a deal in Paris.

23. As Aminah had calmed down at this stage, a policewoman at the Brickfields police station advised me to leave and settle the matter amicably.

24. I duly informed Abdul Razak Baginda of the demands Aminah had made and told him I was disappointed that no one wanted to back me up in lodging a police report. We had a long discussion about the situation when I expressed a desire to pull out of this assignment.

25. During this discussion and in an attempt to persuade me to continue my employment with him, Abdul Razak Baginda informed me that :-
25.1 He had been introduced to Aminah by Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak at a diamond exhibition in Singapore.
25.2 Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak informed Abdul Razak Baginda that he had a sexual relationship with Aminah and that she was susceptible to anal intercourse.
25.3 Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak wanted Abdul Razak Baginda to look after Aminah as he did not want her to harass him since he was now the Deputy Prime Minister.
25.4 Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak, Abdul Razak Baginda and Aminah had all been together at a dinner in Paris.
25.5 Aminah wanted money from him as she felt she was entitled to a USD$500,000.00 commission on a submarine deal she assisted with in Paris.

26. On the 19.10.2006, I arrived at Abdul Razak Baginda’s house in Damansara Heights to begin my night duty. I had parked my car outside as usual. I saw a yellow proton perdana taxi pass by with 3 ladies inside, one of whom was Aminah. The taxi did a U-turn and stopped in front of the house where these ladies rolled down the window and wished me ‘Happy Deepavali’. The taxi then left.

27. About 20 minutes later the taxi returned with only Aminah in it. She got out of the taxi and walked towards me and started talking to me. I sent an SMS to Abdul Razak Baginda informing him “Aminah was here”. I received an SMS from Razak instructing me “To delay her until my man comes”.

28. Whist I was talking to Aminah, she informed me of the following :-
28.1 That she met Abdul Razak Baginda in Singapore with Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak.
28.2 That she had also met Abdul Razak Baginda and Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak at a dinner in Paris.
28.3 That she was promised a sum of USD$500,000.00 as commission for assisting in a Submarine deal in Paris.
28.4 That Abdul Razak Baginda had bought her a house in Mongolia but her brother had refinanced it and she needed money to redeem it.
28.5 That her mother was ill and she needed money to pay for her treatment.
28.6That Abdul Razak Baginda had married her in Korea as her mother is Korean whilst her father was a Mongolian/Chinese mix.
28.7 That if I wouldn’t allow her to see Abdul Razak Baginda, would I be able to arrange for her to see Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak.

29. After talking to Aminah for about 15 minutes, a red proton aeroback arrived with a woman and two men. I now know the woman to be Lance Corporal Rohaniza and the men, Azilah Hadri and Sirul Azahar. They were all in plain clothes. Azilah walked towards me while the other two stayed in the car.

30. Azilah asked me whether the woman was Aminah and I said ‘Yes’. He then walked off and made a few calls on his handphone. After 10 minutes another vehicle, a blue proton saga, driven by a Malay man, passed by slowly. The drivers window had been wound down and the driver was looking at us.

31. Azilah then informed me they would be taking Aminah away. I informed Aminah they were arresting her. The other two persons then got out of the red proton and exchanged seats so that Lance Corporal Rohaniza and Aminah were in the back while the two men were in the front. They drove off and that is the last I ever saw of Aminah.

32. Abdul Razak Baginda was not at home when all this occurred.

33. After the 19.10.2006, I continued to work for Abdul Razak Baginda at his house in Damansara Heights from 7.00 p.m. to 8.00 a.m. the next morning, as he had been receiving threatening text messages from a woman called ‘Amy’ who was apparently ‘Aminah’s’ cousin in Mongolia.

34. On the night of the 20.10.2006, both of Aminah’s girl friends turned up at Abdul Razak Baginda’s house enquiring where Aminah was. I informed them she had been arrested the night before.

35. A couple of nights later, these two Mongolian girls, Mr. Ang and another Mongolian girl called ‘Amy’ turned up at Abdul Razak Baginda’s house looking for Aminah as they appeared to be convinced she was being held in the house.

36. A commotion began so I called the police who arrived shortly thereafter in a patrol car. Another patrol car arrived a short while later in which was the investigating officer from the Dang Wangi Police Station who was in charge of the missing persons report lodged by one of the Mongolians girls, I believe was Amy.

37. I called Abdul Razak Baginda who was at home to inform him of the events taking place at his front gate. He then called DSP Musa Safri and called me back informing me that Musa Safri would be calling handphone and I was to pass the phone to the Inspector from Dang Wangi Police Station.

38. I then received a call on my handphone from Musa Safri and duly handed the phone to the Dang Wangi Inspector. The conversation lasted 3 - 4 minutes after which he told the girls to disperse and to go to see him the next day.

39. On or about the 24.10.2006, Abdul Razak Baginda instructed me to accompany him to the Brickfields police station as he had been advised to lodge a police report about the harassment he was receiving from these Mongolian girls.

40. Before this, Amy had sent me an SMS informing me she was going to Thailand to lodge a report with the Mongolian consulate there regarding Aminah’s disappearance. Apparently she had sent the same SMS to Abdul Razak Baginda. This is why he told me he had been advised to lodge a police report.

41. Abdul Razak Baginda informed me that DPS Musa Safri had introduced him to one DSP Idris, the head of the Criminal division, Brickfields police station, and that Idris had referred him to ASP Tonny.

42. When Abdul Razak Baginda had lodged his police report at Brickfields police station, in front of ASP Tonny, he was asked to make a statement but he refused as he said he was leaving for overseas. He did however promise to prepare a statement and hand ASP Tonny a thumb drive. I know that this was not done as ASP Tonny told me.

43. However ASP Tonny asked me the next day to provide my statement instead and so I did.

44. I stopped working for Abdul Razak Baginda on the 26.10.2006 as this was the day he left for Hong Kong on his own.

45. In mid November 2006, I received a phone call from ASP Tonny from the IPK Jalan Hang Tuah asking me to see him regarding Aminah’s case. When I arrived there I was immediately arrested under S.506 of the Penal Code for Criminal intimidation.

46. I was then placed in the lock up and remanded for 5 days. On the third day I was released on police bail.

47. At the end of November 2006, the D9 department of the IPK sent a detective to my house to escort me to the IPK Jalan Hang Tuah. When I arrived, I was told I was being arrested under S.302 of the Penal Code for murder. I was put in the lock up and remanded for 7 days.

48. I was transported to Bukit Aman where I was interrogated and questioned about an SMS I had received from Abdul Razak Baginda on the 19.10.2006 which read “delay her until my man arrives”. They had apparently retrieved this message from Abdul Razak Baginda’s handphone.

49. They then proceeded to record my statement from 8.30 a.m. to 6.00 p.m. everyday for 7 consecutive days. I told them all I knew including everything Abdul Razak Baginda and Aminah had told me about their relationships with Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak but when I came to sign my statement, these details had been left out.

50. I have given evidence in the trial of Azilah, Sirul and Abdul Razak Baginda at the Shah Alam High Court. The prosecutor did not ask me any questions in respect of Aminah’s relationship with Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak or of the phone call I received from DSP Musa Safri, whom I believe was the ADC for Datuk Seri Najib Razak and/or his wife.

51. On the day Abdul Razak Baginda was arrested, I was with him at his lawyers office at 6.30 a.m. Abdul Razak Baginda informed us that he had sent Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak an SMS the evening before as he refused to believe he was to be arrested, but had not received a response.

52. Shortly thereafter, at about 7.30 a.m., Abdul Razak Baginda received an SMS from Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak and showed, this message to both myself and his lawyer. This message read as follows :- ” I am seeing IGP at 11.00 a.m. today …… matter will be solved … be cool”.

53. I have been made to understand that Abdul Razak Baginda was arrested the same morning at his office in the Bangunan Getah Asli, Jalan Ampang.

54. The purpose of this Statutory declaration is to :-
54.1 State my disappointment at the standard of investigations conducted by the authorities into the circumstances surrounding the murder of Altantuya Shaaribuu.
54.2 Bring to the notice of the relevant authorities the strong possibility that there are individuals other than the 3 accused who must have played a role in the murder of Altantuya Shaaribuu.
54.3 Persuade the relevant authorities to reopen their investigations into this case immediately so that any fresh evidence may be presented to the Court prior to submissions at the end of the prosecutions case.
54.4 Emphasize the fact that having been a member of the Royal Malaysian Police Force for 17 years I am absolutely certain no police officer would shoot someone in the head and blow up their body without receiving specific instructions from their superiors first.
54.5. Express my concern that should the defence not be called in the said murder trial, the accused, Azilah and Sirul will not have to swear on oath and testify as to the instructions they received and from whom they were given.

55. And I make this solemn declaration conscientiously believing the same be true and by virtue of the provisions of the Statutory Declaration Act 1960.

SUBCRIBED and solemnly )

declared by the abovenamed )

Balasubramaniam a/l Perumal ]

this day of 2008 )
Before me,

………………………………….
Commissioner for Oath
Kuala Lumpur

Rosmah at murder scene

My informer states that Acting Colonel Aziz Buyong was the person who placed the C4 on various parts of Altantuya’s body while being witnessed by Datin Seri Rosmah Mansor and Norhayati.

NO HOLDS BARRED

Raja Petra Kamarudin

"It's mind-boggling!" - That's how Raja Petra Kamarudin's statutory declaration alleging that Deputy Prime Minister Najib's wife was at the murder scene of Mongolian national Altantuya Shaariibuu was described today.

An aide to Najib Abdul Razak also said they were aware of this latest claim made by Raja Petra, who also runs the 'Malaysia Today' website.

"At the moment, we are looking into it. This is a very mind-boggling statutory declaration," said the aide when contacted.

The latest allegation hurled at Rosmah Mansor was made by well-known blogger Raja Petra Kamarudin via a statutory declaration (below) signed at the Kuala Lumpur High Court on Wednesday.

The aide however refused to comment if any action could be taken against Raja Petra.

Najib and Rosmah (left) have repeatedly denied they are linked to the killing of Altantuya, describing the widely-known allegations was nothing more than ‘slander and concocted stories’.

In his latest bombshell, Raja Petra accused Rosmah as among three individuals who were present when Altantuya was murdered on October 19, 2006.

"I have been reliably informed that between about 10pm on October 19, 2006 and early hours of the following day, the night Altantuya Shaariibuu was murdered, three other people were also present at the scene of crime," he said, according to his two-page statutory declaration.

He named the two other individuals as one acting colonel Aziz Buyong, who is described as ‘a C4 expert’ and the latter’s wife, known only as Norhayati, who is also said to be Rosmah’s aide de camp.

‘A crime not to reveal’

Altantuya’s body is alleged to have been blown up with C4 explosives at a secondary forest in Puncak Alam, Shah Alam. The murder trial is currently ongoing at the Shah Alam High Court.

"My informer states that Aziz was the person who placed the C4 on various parts of Altantuya’s body witnessed by Rosmah and Norhayati," Raja Petra claimed in the document.

"I make this statutory declaration because I have been reliably informed about the involvement of these three people who have thus far not been implicated in the murder nor called as witnesses by the prosecution in the ongoing trial at the Shah Alam High Court.

"I also make this statutory declaration because I am aware that it is a crime not to reveal evidence that may help the police in its investigation of the crime," read the document, which was first posted on the bigdogdotcom blog run by another blogger.

Raja Petra, contacted by Malaysiakini, has confirmed the content of the document.

He further alleged that he has also been ‘reliably informed’ that Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi knows of Najib's (right) wife alleged involvement.

"[...] Abdullah has received a written report from military intelligence confirming what I have revealed and this report was subsequently handed over to his son-in-law Khairy Jamaluddin for safekeeping," he said.

Apart from Abdullah and Khairy, Raja Petra claimed "one of the (Malay) Rulers" has also been briefed about the matter and is fully aware of the allegation.

He said he has agreed not to reveal their names other than mention that the prime minister and his son-in-law have been given a copy of the military intelligence’s report.

Police inaction over report

"The purpose of this statutory declaration is to urge all these parties who have been duly informed and have knowledge of this matter to come forward to reveal the truth so that the police are able to conduct a proper and thorough investigation into the murder of Altantuya.

"And I make this solemn declaration conscientiously believing the same to be true and by virtue of the provisions of the Statutory Declaration Act, 1960," he said in his declaration.

In the phone interview, Raja Petra explained why he did not lodge a police report on the latest allegation which could lead to a fresh police probe on the Altantuya (left) murder.

The blogger said since there was no action over a police report he had lodged in a separate case in 2001 when he was allegedly beaten up by a high-ranking policeman, "I am not bothered in making a police report".

When asked why the document was posted elsewhere instead of his own 'Malaysia Today' site, he retorted: "Why must it be published on my site?"

Raja Petra was called in for police questioning early last month over an article titled ‘Let’s send the Altantuya murderers to hell’ in which he implicated Najib and Rosmah in the high-profile murder case.

A close aide to Najib, political analyst Abdul Razak Baginda and two police special operations force personnel have been charged with the murder of the Mongolian national.

All three have pleaded not guilty for the ongoing trial. They face the death sentence should they be found guilty. (MALAYSIAKINI.COM)

STATUTORY DECLARATION
I, RAJA PETRA BIN RAJA KAMARUDIN (IC No: 500927-71-5257), a Malaysian citizen of legal age residing at No. 5, Jalan BRP 5/5, BuKit Rahman Putra, 47000 Sungai Buloh, Selangor Darul Ehsan, do solemnly and sincerely affirm and say as follows:-

1. I have been reliably informed that between about 10 p.m. on 19th October 2006 and early hours of the following day, the night Altantuya Shaariibuu was murdered, three (3) other people were also present at the scene of the crime;

(a) Datin Seri Rosmah Mansor, wife of the Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia, Dato’ Seri Najib Tun Razak

(b) Acting Colonel Aziz Buyong (then Lt. Col.) a C4 expert

(c) Acting Colonel Aziz’s wife, Norhayati (one of Rosmah’s ADC)

2. My informer states that Acting Colonel Aziz Buyong was the person who placed the C4 on various parts of Altantuya’s body while being witnessed by Datin Seri Rosmah Mansor and Norhayati.

3. I make this Statutory Declaration because I have been reliably informed about the involvement of these three people who have thus far not been implicated in the murder nor called as witnesses by the prosecution in the on going trial at the Shah Alam High Court. I also make this Statutory Declaration because I am aware that it is a crime not to reveal evidence that may help the police in its investigation of the crime.

4. I have further been reliably informed that Prime Minister, Dato Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi has received a written report from the Military Intelligence confirming what I have revealed above and that the report was subsequently handed over to his son-in-law, Khairy Jamaluddin, for safe-keeping.

5. I have also been reliably informed that one of the Rulers has been briefed about this matter and His Highness is fully aware of what I have revealed above.

6. I have knowledge of who has informed me of this matter plus I have knowledge of the Ruler who has been briefed and is aware of the matter but I have agreed that I shall not reveal this information other than mention that the Prime Minister and his son-in-law have been handed a written report confirming what I have revealed.

7. The purpose of this Statutory Declaration is to urge all these parties who have been duly informed and have knowledge of this matter to come forward to reveal the truth so that the police are able to conduct a proper and thorough investigation into the murder of Altantuya Shaariibuu.

And I make this solemn declaration conscientiously believing the same to be true and by virtue of the provisions of the Statutory Declaration Act, 1960.

SUBSCRIBED and SOLEMNLY DECLARED )
by the abovenamed RAJA PETRA BIN RAJA KAMARUDIN )
at Makhamah Tinggi Kuala Lumpur )
this 18th day of June 2008 )


Before me,


ADDENDUM

Freedom Of Religion In Sabah

The term “Allah” in reference to God has been used for generations; it has become part of the cultural heritage. Despite this fact, churches, from time to time, face harassment from the local authorities for using Christian literature containing the word “Allah”.

Article 153 of the Federal Constitution provides for the natives of Sabah the special position and privileges as that of the Malays. Sabah joined Sarawak, independent Malaya and Singapore to form Malaysia in 1963. A 20-point agreement was made as part of the condition to join the Federation, and among the points are:

1. There should be no state religion and the provisions relating to Islam in Federal Constitution should not apply.

2. English should be an official language for all purposes without limitation of time.

3. The natives should enjoy special rights analogous to those enjoyed by Malays.

4. The power to amend the Constitution of Sabah belongs exclusively to the people of Sabah.

In the 1985 elections, the then opposition Parti Bersatu Sabah (PBS), led by Datuk Seri Joseph Pairin Kitingan, form the state government. PBS ruled Sabah until 1994 when an internal agitation made way for UMNO to enter Sabah politics. Datuk Seri Musa Aman from UMNO was the Chief Minister from 2003 when the two-year rotation system was abolished.

In 2002, PBS’ joining the Barisan Nasional coalition rendered Sabah a state with no competitive opposition. Regardless, there have been palpable tensions and occasional calls for withdrawal from the Federation.

An added impetus is the token 5% royalties fo­r oil and gas. The Federal Government takes 95% of the profits, contributing very little to the state in return. Sabahans feel that the federal policies have generally been unfair and unfavourable to the state development. There have been calls for the review of these federal policies. Many believe that the NEP has not benefitted the Sabahan bumiputeras.

Despite the rich natural resources and the Prime Minister’s assurance that “no community is left behind in the mainstream of development” (The Star, 7/11/07), Sabah falls greatly behind the mainstream in economic development.

Sabah, together with Sarawak, contributed to BN’s simple majority in Parliament at the 2008 general elections in March. The recent political realities have prompted the various opposition parties to form a coalition called Pakatan Rakyat Sabah (The Star, 7/7/08).

Islamisation

Before 1963, Sabah and Sarawak were guided by their native customs and British laws. The influence of Islam was minimal. In 1967, the new state government under Chief Minister Mustapha Datu Harun embarked on vigorous religious activities. Mustapha strongly believed that the Malay language and Islam should be used to unite the people.

There have been reported mass conversions, particularly in the rural areas.

The most devastating blow came when Mustapha used his emergency powers to expel expatriate Christian missionaries with the reason that imperialist mentality and outlook should not be allowed to continue after independence, whether in relation to politics or religion (Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra, 1977, p. 266).

The Project IC or Project M, a political scandal relating to systematic granting of citizenship to immigrants, was reported to have begun when UMNO entered Sabah politics in the 1990s. The immigration policy favouring Muslims had resulted in an influx of immigrants from the Philippines and Indonesia, both legal and illegal. It is widely believed that this exercise was implemented to weaken the indigenous Kadazan-Dusun Christians and to enhance UMNO powerbase.

At a seminar in June 2007, the Chief Minister claimed that Malays formed more than 50% of the population, although the state’s statistics showed only 11.5%.

Supporting the claim, his counterpart, the Chief Minister of Melaka, said, “Even if that person is Chinese or Indian or Kadazan, if they are Muslim or have converted, converse in Malay and follow the Malay tradition, then they are Malays” (Daily Express, 10/6/07).

Religious Freedom

In April 2007, a businesswoman complained to the then Minister of International Trade and Industry, Dato’ Seri Rafidah Aziz, that her loan application was rejected because her unisex styling business was in conflict with Islam (Daily Express).

The Sabah Fatwa Council issued a decree banning all activities related to Rufaqa Corporation (The Star, 15/12/06). The Mufti said the movement had gone against Islamic teaching and caused confusion among the Muslim community. In May 2007, 11 people were arrested under the ISA for alleged involvement in an Islamist group known as Darul Islam Sabah.

There is no provision on conversion out of Islam. Muslims who wish to renounce Islam may face either punishment or mandatory detention at rehabilitation centres.

According to the 1995 Sabah Syariah Criminal Offences Enactment, “A Muslim who intends to or attempts to convert out of Islam is subject to be detained in the Islamic rehabilitation centre for a term not more than 36 months for ‘rehabilitation’ purpose.” Further, a Muslim declaring himself to be a non-Muslim is guilty of ridiculing the religion and thus subjects himself to punishment.

Bahasa Malaysia is the medium of communication among the natives in the state and the Alkitab is the principal Scripture used by Christians.

The term “Allah” in reference to God has been used for generations; it has become part of the cultural heritage. Despite this fact, churches, from time to time, face harassment from the local authorities for using Christian literature containing the word “Allah”.

Last 15 Aug, three boxes of Christian educational publications containing the word “Allah” and belonging to SIB Sabah were detained at the Low Cost Carrier Terminal (LCCT) in Sepang by the Customs. The Internal Security Ministry subsequently took over the matter. After several unsuccessful appeals, the SIB church turned to legal redress at the civil court. The lawsuit against the Federal Government is ongoing.

Last year, a lawsuit was filed against the Sabah Chief Minister concerning a stop-work order on the Mazu (Goddess of the Sea) statue in Kudat. The project was said to have been approved in Dec 2005 but a stop-work order came after the state mufti in July 2006 issued a fatwa saying that the construction was contrary to Islamic teaching.

Administrative error on Sabahans’ MyKad in relation to religious status has caused hardship to the people in recent years. The state registration department has presumptuously entered Islam to the MyKad of non-Muslim applicants simply because their names had the word “bin” or “binti”. It has refused to make correction when mistakes were highlighted. Applicants have been asked to fly to Putrajaya in Kuala Lumpur for any amendment to their MyKad.

The entry of “Islam” on the MyKad has grave effects on, among others, the non-Muslims’ marriage, children’s registration, burial and inheritance.

Others

Sabah’s migrant population has been estimated to be anywhere from 600,000 to 1.7 million (Nov 2007). Political expediency and the state’s historical ties have created longstanding illegal immigrant problem.

Without proper documentation and no access to educational opportunity, the stateless children of the migrants are facing bleak futures. Many of them were born locally and become street children once their parents are deported.

Statistics show that Sabah has the highest number of poor households in the country, especially in the interiors. Groups say that Sabahan non-Malay bumiputeras are marginalised and have not benefitted from the NEP. The Federal Government has recently introduced measures to improve their lives.

Some NGOs have chided the Sabah authorities for their apathy when issuing identity cards (IC) to indigenous people. It is an irony that many bumiputeras do not have ICs while foreign workers receive PR status soon after they enter the state.

Today, some of the indigenous children in the most remote areas do not go school. Many rural schools are small and do not even have basic facilities. The Federation of Chinese Sabah has claimed that some 250,000 Chinese are living along poverty margin (Daily Express, 9/2/08). (By courtesy of Berita NECF/ MySinchew)

The 10 Commandments of Facebook

These 10 commandments were given directly by Mark Zuckerberg to the people of the Internet, after he had set them free from MySpace slavery. And Zuckerberg spake these words, from his celestial kingdom, saying: "I truly believe I am the Lord thy God. Behold, Facebook is upon thee"

1. Thou shalt have no other websites before Facebook.
2. Thou shalt make for thyself an anti-MySpace profile picture.
3. Thou shalt learn about thy friends relationships from Facebook, and Facebook alone.
4. Remember the News Feed, and keep it creepy.
5. Thou shalt limited profile thy father and thy mother.
6. Thou shalt write inside jokes on thy friend's Wall, so all can bear witness to thy popularity.
7. Thou shalt poke members of the opposite sex until they finally have sex with thee, or block thee altogether, whichever comes first.
8. Thou shalt untag all photos that make thee look fugly.
9. Thou shalt update thy status regularly, so that thy friends can know thy business at all times.
10. Thou shalt put thy address, screen-name, and phone number on thy profile, so that thou mayst be stalked.

Continue Teaching Science and Mathematics in English

by M. Bakri Musa

The government’s decision to revisit (and most likely do away with) the current teaching of science and mathematics in English is an instructive example of how an otherwise sensible policy could easily be discredited and then abandoned because of poor execution. Had there been better planning, many of the problems encountered could have been readily anticipated and thus avoided, or at least reduced. The policy would then more likely to succeed, and thus be accepted.

Ironically, only a year ago a Ministry of Education “study” pronounced the program to be moving along “smoothly,” with officials “satisfied” with its implementation. Now another “study” showed that there was no difference in the “performance” (whatever that term means or how they measure it) between those taught in Malay or English.

The policy was in response to the obvious deficiencies noted in students coming out of our national schools: their abysmal command of English, and their limited mathematical skills and science literacy. They carry these deficits when they enter university, and then onto the workplace.

The results are predictable. These graduates are practically unemployable. As the vast majority of them are Malays, this creates tremendous political pressure on the government to act as employer of last resort. Accommodating these graduates made our civil service bloated and inefficient, burdened by their deficient language and mathematical abilities.

This longstanding problem began in the late 1970s when Malay became the exclusive language of instruction in our public schools and universities. Overcoming this problem would be a monumental undertaking.

The greatest mistake was to underestimate the magnitude of the task, especially in overcoming the system’s inertia. Today’s teachers and policy makers are products of this all-Malay education system. Change would mean repudiating the very system that had produced them, a tough sell at the best of times.

In their naivety, ministry officials convinced themselves that such enormous obstacles as the teachers’ lack of English fluency could easily be overcome by enrolling them in short culup (superficial) courses that were in turn conducted by those equally inept in English. Or by simply providing these teachers with laptops programmed with instructional modules!

Even if we had had the best talents devoting themselves exclusively to implementing the policy, the task would still be huge. Unfortunately we have Hishammuddin Hussein as Minister of Education shepherding the change. An insightful innovator or an effective executive he is not. Being simultaneously an UMNO Youth Chief, he was also distracted in trying to pass himself off as the champion of Ketuanan Melayu.

These factors practically ensure the initiative’s failure. The tragic part is that the burden of the failure falls disproportionately on the rural poor, meaning Malays, a point missed by these self-professed nationalists. I would have thought that that alone would have motivated them to succeed.

A Better Way

Teaching science and mathematics in English would solve two problems simultaneously. One, considering the critical shortage of textbooks, journals, and other literature in Malay, teaching the two subjects in English would facilitate the acquisition of new knowledge by our students. With the exponential growth of new knowledge, it would be impossible to keep up solely through translations, even if we were to devote our entire intellectual resources towards that endeavor.

The other objective was to enhance the English fluency of our students. Of course if that were the only consideration, there are other more effective ways of achieving it, like devoting more instructional hours to the subject.

If, as the recent Ministry’s “study” indicates, there is no difference in performance between those taught in Malay or English, that in itself would favor continuing the program because of the twin benefits discussed earlier. Besides, changing course midstream would not only be disruptive but also counterproductive. Our educational system needs predictable stability and incremental improvements, not disruptive U-turns and faddish changes, especially in response to political pressures.

A more important point is this. Altering a politically pivotal and highly emotional public policy requires careful preparation and deliberate execution. If I were to implement the policy, this is what I would do. Lest readers think that this is hindsight wisdom on my part, rest assured that I had documented these ideas in my earlier book, long before the government even contemplated the policy.

Being prudent, as we are dealing with our children’s and nation’s future, I would begin with a small pilot project, analyze the problems, correct the deficiencies, and only then expand the program.

First, I would implement the policy initially only at primary and selected secondary schools, like our residential schools. The language requirements as well as the science and mathematical concepts at the primary level are quite elementary, and thus more readily acquired by the teachers. And at that level the pupils would not have to unlearn much as everything would still be new.

In schools where the background English literacy level of the pupils is low as in the villages, I would have the pupils take English immersion classes for a full term or even a year. We had earlier successful experiences with this with our Special Malay Classes and Remove classes. This strategy has also been tried successfully in America for children of non-English-speaking immigrants. Another idea I put forth in my earlier book is to bring back the old English schools in such areas. As the Malay literacy level in the community and at home is high, these pupils are unlikely to “forget” their own language.

At the secondary level, our residential schools get the best students and teachers. Consequently the program could be more easily implemented there as the learning curve would be steep, and mistakes more readily recognized and corrected. Once the kinks have been worked out, expand the program.

Second is the issue of teachers. Fortunately Malaysia has two large untapped reservoirs of talent: recently retired teachers trained under the old English-based system, and native English speakers who are either spouses of Malaysians or residents of this country. Given adequate compensation and minimal of hassles, they could be readily recruited.

I would add other incentives especially if they were to serve in rural areas where the need is most acute. Thus in addition to greater pay, I would give them first preference to teachers’ quarters.

A permanent solution would be to convert a number of existing teachers’ colleges into exclusively English-medium institutions to train future teachers of English, science, and mathematics. As the present teacher-trainees have limited English fluency, I would begin admitting them right away in January following their leaving school in December of the preceding year.

From that January till the regular opening of the academic year (sometime in July), these trainees would undergo intensive English immersion classes where their entire 24-hour day would be consumed with learning, speaking, thinking, and even dreaming in English. With the subsequent three years of additional instructions exclusively in English, these graduates would then be fully fluent in English.

With such quality programs, these graduates would be in great demand within and outside their profession. With their heightened English facility and mathematical competency, their educational opportunities would also expand as they could further their studies anywhere in the English-speaking world. With such bright prospects, these colleges would have no difficulty recruiting talented school leavers. Our teaching profession would also be enriched with the addition of such talents.

As for textbooks, there is no need to write new ones. The contents of these two subjects are universally applicable. Meaning, textbooks written for British students would be just as suitable for Malaysians, so we could select already available books. With its purchasing clout, the government could drive a hard bargain with existing publishers.

I hope Ministry of Education officials, including and especially Hishammuddin, would heed these factors when they review the current policy. They should continue the current policy, correct the evident errors, and strengthen the obvious weaknesses. The success of this policy would also mean success for our students, and our nation. That is a worthy pursuit for anyone with ambitions to one day lead the nation

Ubah Gaya Hidup / Change Your Lifestyle

Celebrating Gawai Dayak

By Jennie Soh


A Gawai chief performing the “miring”.

Gawai Dayak, recognised as a festive celebrated in Sarawak on June 1st. and 2nd. every year, is a cultural tradition and social occasion.

It has become part of the events under the Sarawak Tourism Board to promote tourism. It has an “Open House” concept to receive guests in our multi -acial society. Such visit is commonly known as “ngabang” in the Iban language.

Background

During the British colonial rule, the government refused to give recognition to the Dayak Day. This disappointed the Dayak community because the festival was their source of national pride and a way to reciprocate social hospitality extended by other races during their festivals.

After numerous requests, the first Chief Minister of Sarawak, Datuk Stephen Kalong Ningkan and his Cabinet, our present Chief Minister, Datuk Patinggi Tan Sri Haji Abdul Taib Mahmud, Tun Abang Haji Openg, who was a member of the Council Negeri, at that time, persistently pushed through the proposal to recognise Gawai as a festival.

Gawai Dayak was formally gazetted on September 25, 1964 as a public holiday in place of Sarawak Day. It was first celebrated on June 1, 1965 and became a symbol of unity, aspiration and hope for the Dayak community.

Since then, the Dayak community have been celebrating June 1 as a thanksgiving day to mark a good harvest and a time to plan for the new farming season.

Meaning of Gawai Dayak

“Gawai” means a ritual or festival while “Dayak” is a collective name for the native races in Sarawak namely the Iban, Bidayuh, Kayan, Kenyah, Kelabit, Murut and other ethnic group. A combination of the word “Gawai Dayak” means Dayak Festival.

Gawai celebration

The mode of celebration is merry making with traditional delicacies like “penganan” (cakes from rice flour, sugar and coconut milk) and usually rice wine (tuak) is served.

Longhouses welcome the celebration by laying new mats on the open gallery which runs through the entire length of the longhouse. The celebrations starts in the evening of May 31 with a ceremony called “Muai Antu Rua” (casting away of the evil spirit of greediness) which signifies non interference of the spirit of bad luck in the celebration.

Then a winnowing basket (chapan) would be dragged past each family’s room. Every family will throw unwanted stuff into the basket. The unwanted stuff will be tossed to the ground from the end of the longhouse for the spirit of bad luck.

In the evening around 6 o’clock, the offering ceremony (miring) will take place. Ritual music (“gendang rayah”) is performed. The chief will lead the ceremony with a sacrificed cockerel and smear blood over these offerings as a symbol of good harvest, blessings and long life.

While waiting for the dinner to be served at midnight, the people will gather and mingle among themselves till the gong is sounded at midnight. Dinner is then served with traditional cakes and delicacies and home made rice wine (tuak) to the gods of rice and prosperity.

The highlight is the drinking of the rice wine led by the chief of the long house. Rice wine (“Ai Pengayu”) symbolised long life. Greetings of “Gayu-guru, Gerai nymai” which means long life, health and prosperity are exchanged among the people in the longhouse.

A procession up and down the gallery (“ruai”) is held from one end to the other end to welcome the spirits (“Ngalu Petara”). The celebration is made livelier by the sounds of gong and traditional music is played with a lot of dancing. Other activities may include cock-fighting, demonstration of blowpipe skills and ngajat competitions.

The unique dance “ngajat” is a form of entertainment which involves a lot of precise body turning movements. The “ngajat” for men is more aggressive and depicts a man going to war and the woman’s form of “ngajat” is softer and more graceful.

In the longhouses, there is a practice called “masu pengabang” where guests will be served with tuak (“masu pengabang”) by the host before they can enter the longhouse.

In the town areas without the longhouse concept, the homes of the Dayaks have an “Open House” concept; guests are served with food catered from outside or food cooked at home.

Christian Dayaks will attend church mass to give thanks for their good harvests. Gawai Dayak celebration may last for several days.

Gawai today

Since it was gazetted as a state public holiday, Gawai has been an annual festival held every June all over Sarawak. It shares a similar concept of “Open Houses” like the Chinese New Year and Hari Raya. Some Dayaks may go back to the longhouses while those who have migrated to the urban areas celebrate on a smaller scale.

This festival is a combination of merry making, feasting and drinking of rice wine. Beauty pageants have become very popular as part of the celebrations to display the priceless antique beads and the Iban maiden’s silver jewellery.

Gawai today is not only acknowledged as a harvest festival but is celebrated like a New Year celebration, religious ritual and family reunion all at the same time. Some longhouses no longer practise the traditional way of gathering the folks together.

Conclusion

Sarawak Tourism Board has included Gawai Festival as part of the tourism activities for tourists to experience the culture of merry making among the Dayak community. It also creates an environment of peace and harmony among the different races in multi-racial Sarawak.

Selamat Hari Gawai Dayak

Mahathir quits Malaysia party - UMNO

Mahathir's decision may further weaken the
ruling party hit by recent electoral setbacks [Reuters]

Mahathir Mohamad, the former Malaysian prime minister, has quit the country's ruling party.

The influential former leader's resignation from the United Malays National Organisation (Umno) follows a long feud with his successor, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, the current prime minister.

The move could also deepen cracks that appeared in Umno ranks after the party suffered massive losses in the March general election.

Speaking on Monday, Mahathir said his decision was prompted by a lack of confidence in Abdullah's leadership.

In a speech to some 1,000 people in his home state of Kedah he also urged other Umno members and cabinet members to follow him.

Mahathir appointed Abdullah to succeed him in 2003 after serving as prime minister for 22 years.

But he remained active in politics, wielding significant influence among the party's grass-roots workers.

By late 2004 Mahathir began accusing Abdullah of nepotism, corruption and inefficiency.

Party insiders say Mahathir was angry because many big infrastructure projects he had initiated were cancelled by Abdullah.

Mahathir's decision raises the possibility of large-scale desertions by loyalists, which could split the party and bring down the government.

Umno is the dominant party in the coalition Barisan Nasional administration that has governed Malaysia since independence in 1957.

Source: Agencies

The Kingmakers: Sabah, Sarawak and the 12th Malaysia General Elections

By Anthea Mulakala

Anthea Mulakala is The Asia Foundation’s Country Representative in Malaysia. She can be reached at amulakala@asiafound.org.

The Economist last week featured a telling pie chart on Malaysia’s 12th general election results. It revealed, without analysis, that Malaysia’s Barisan National (BN) coalition has the electorate in Sabah and Sarawak to thank for saving its narrow majority in parliament. While the BN was toppled in key states like Penang and Selangor, there was barely a ripple in voter trends in Malaysia’s eastern most states. Almost all BN candidates in both states won with a solid majority. The BN has been the ruling coalition in Malaysia since 1974, though its dominant party the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) has been in the governing seat since independence in 1957.

These often ignored states are now enjoying the limelight as kingmakers for the BN and are well placed to cash in on the attention.

Geographically separated from Kuala Lumpur by the South China Sea, Sabah and Sarawak comprise 5.4 million people or 20% of Malaysia’s population of 27 million. Together the states gave the BN 54 seats out of 140 in the Malaysian parliament. 41 of these seats are held by local Sabah and Sarawak parties that have joined the BN coalition.

However, the BN’s success in Eastern Malaysia should not lead observers to believe that Sabahans and Sarawakians are satisfied with the BN’s governance, accountability and service delivery in their states.

Despite their wealth in natural resources, Sabah and Sarawak are amongst Malaysia’s poorest states. In Sabah, 24% of households live below the national poverty line and child poverty rates are 42%. More than one fifth of the population aged six and over has never been to school. Malaysia enjoys the unflattering distinction of having the highest Gini coefficient in Southeast Asia attributable to the high incidence of poverty in Eastern Malaysia. Sabah’s GDP per capita is less than 50% of the national average. Furthermore, most of Sabah and Sarawak’s poor come from the non-Malay Bumiputra population (61% of Sabah and more than 50% of Sarawak). Clearly, the affirmative action New Economic Policies of UMNO and the BN have not been successful in alleviating these indigenous people from poverty.

Why then, when their development has lagged under decades of BN and UMNO rule, did the local parties, give the BN so many seats in parliament? First the local parties in Sabah and Sarawak are homegrown; the opposition parties are not and are seen to represent the interests of peninsular Malaysians. Until the opposition parties establish roots in Eastern Malaysia they will continue to have limited traction amongst the electorate. Second, everyday Sabahans and Sarawakians worry that voting for the opposition may result in the loss of vital development grants and projects for their states. Certainly BN politicians have dangled the fruit of these grants temptingly during the campaign. Sabahans also feel that constituencies which fell to the opposition parties in the 2006 state elections were subsequently denied federal development grants. Voter education workshops with citizens in Eastern Malaysia reveal that they feel their needs are more likely to be addressed as part of the governing coalition than the opposition.

Furthermore, though peninsular Malaysians very rarely refer to Sabah and Sarawak in their political debates, national politicians are acutely aware of the importance of the Eastern votes and have rewarded their vote bank by building highways and airports. However if Sabah and Sarawak are to emerge from the development doldrums and their voters kept “on side” the BN must reward the backbone of its support with more than tarred roads. In the future, they may demand more power at the centre and more meaningful growth-led development.

Sabah’s shifting demographics add a further layer of complexity to this analysis. 25% of Sabah’s population is comprised of non-Malaysian citizens, mostly Muslim Indonesians and Filipinos, many who entered Malaysia illegally through the state’s porous borders, many seeking jobs and a better life. Many have become “regularized” by the federal government and thereby earn the right to vote. While the means through which these citizens have acquired their papers may be dubious, they form a significant power base for the Muslim dominated UNMO. Critics cry fowl and claim this is an attempt to buy votes in exchange for citizenship. The issue is one of increasing social tension in Sabah and Sarawak which UNMO will need to adroitly navigate.

There was much more to Malaysia’s 12th General Elections than meets the eye. Not least, it provides a pivotal opportunity for the citizens of Sabah and Sarawak to exercise more influence over national policy and get a better deal for themselves. Recognition of their role as ‘kingmakers’ has already sparked grumbling within Sabah and Sarawak that they only received 5 ministerial seats out of 27 in the new cabinet. With 54 seats in parliament, the time is ripe for Eastern Malaysians to put their key issues – like land rights, illegal immigration, persistent poverty, and sub-par economic growth – on the table. If the BN does not pay attention the outcome of the 13th General Election is likely to be quite different than the 12th.

Anthea Mulakala

Country Representative, Malaysia

Tel: (603) 2142-0385

Fax: (603) 2141-0385

Email: amulakala@asiafound.org

Expertise: South and South East Asia, gender, conflict, governance, civil society capacity building, reproductive health, donor policies and practice.

Anthea Mulakala was appointed The Asia Foundation’s Country Representative in Malaysia in September 2007. Ms. Mulakala has been overseeing programs in Asia since 1991, and most recently worked for the World Bank piloting an innovative multi-donor experiment in aid effectiveness and “donor harmonization” in support of Indonesian decentralization. She has also worked for South Asia Partnership, strengthening NGO capacity in Sri Lanka, and as advisor on gender-based issues to their offices in India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Nepal and Bangladesh. From 1997-2005, Ms. Mulakala was with the United Kingdom’s Department for International Development (DFID) as team leader of a large Government of Bangladesh and multi-donor health project consortium, and subsequently as DFID’s Reconciliation and Development advisor in Sri Lanka, where she developed and implemented the UK’s peace building and reconciliation strategy for the country and chaired the Donor Working Group on the Peace Process.

Ms. Mulakala speaks French and intermediate Indonesian, Bangla, and Tamil.

Education: B.A. in political science, with honours, from the University of Western Ontario; M.A. in International Affairs from the Norman Paterson School of International Affairs at Carleton University, Ottawa, Canada.

MASING DEFENDS ‘CULTURAL ARROGANCE’ THEORY

Land Development Minister Dato Sri Dr James Masing in defending his “cultural arrogance” theory said, Cultural arrogance breeds racial disharmony and a form of insincerity.

Masing said it would be cultural arrogance, if a Chinese tried to help the Ibans but yet preached to them (Ibans) things they already knew. He said another form of cultural arrogance manifested itself in some people’s attitude and perception towards others.

"There is a general perception by others in Malaysia that Bumiputeras are not capable of doing good and successful business. Hence when a Bumiputera company is successful, the perception is that it cannot be attributed to their skills and capability. Thus, variables like cronyism, nepotism, corruption and political patronage come to the picture.

It is therefore wise for people to think that all are born equal in intelligence. But what makes us different from one another is opportunity. Some get more opportunities than the others."

Masing also said, “During my growing up years, the Ibans in Kapit were referred to or called by the Chinese as ‘Lakkia’ (native or wild savage). I did not take any offence then. Now I do. I will not take this form of address too kindly.”

Philosophy

The divine command theory argues that God is the lawgiver and that it is he who has introduced the rules of morality to us. It tells us that because morality is 'right' that means that God 'commands' it. It argues that God and morality is "dependant on one another. It also states that God is altruistic because everything that is 'good' God commands.

This theory tries to solve the problem of objectivity in ethics. It shows that morals are not just based on people's opinions but dictated by a higher being. It also solves the problem of why anyone should obey morals. According to others, if morals were not commanded by god, why bother with them and not just look out for yourself like ethical egoism suggests. According to the divine command theory, because God has commanded it, then if we obey it, we will be rewarded in heaven, or punished in hell.

A Statement Regarding Ethnocentrism/Cultural Arrogance by Michael Haydon

There is great ethnocentrism/arrogance that lingers throughout Western society/culture/paradigms, which is a reflection of the susceptibility of humans as a whole towards systems of control. However, this is not a trait unique to only Western society/culture/paradigms, but all others. It seems that few humans ever maintain an awareness of the societally-programmed behavioral patterns in them. Put simply, many humans are in large part unaware of the control that society has over them. Such arrogance includes closed-mindedness towards other cultures and customs. Those evaluating other 'norms' from this perspective would generally regard them as wrong, unacceptable, or would be dumbfounded for lack of empathy or understanding.

As a product of such arrogance and/or unawareness, there will always be widespread upheaval towards any form of internal societal/cultural change. This is more of a function of human attachment, which is intertwined with the societally-programmed behavioral patterns that were predominantly trained into the individuals by their parent(s)/guardian(s).

I believe this arrogance to be happening in large part outside of our awareness.

It's time to wake up and smell the coffee, so to say. It is time to stop being arrogant and start fulfilling what is necessary to further our psychological evolution.

We have an opportunity to reflect upon all the numerous perspectives throughout the world and gain greater insight into all aspects of human existence. This is a rare opportunity because the world is now united by means of travel and communication. There is the potential to learn more about humans, collectively, than we've ever had in our known history. This is important because the most complete and balanced perspective can account for everything -- the holistic perspective.

PM ‘Flip-Flop’ Abdullah’s cronies also stuck and bleeding money?

PAK LAH’S CRONIES ARE BLEEDING MONEY BUT THEY ARE ALSO STUCK & NOT ABLE TO LIQUIDATE

by Matthias Chang


I will let you on a secret.

Jet fuel price is skyrocketing!

But, what has this got to do with Pak Lah’s cronies?

Well, many of them have directly and indirectly latched on to the wings of AIR ASIA - the cheap-fare airlines that was the darling of the spin doctors and investors. Having the Minister of Transport (the previous two especially) as your sympathetic Godfather was a bonus. All “good things” don’t last forever.

And the good times are coming to an end. There won’t be any more champagne parties for Air Asia. Already, in the USA cheap-fare airlines are heading for the scrap heap. To cover up their financial stress, Air Asia is already levying surcharges on other items as a short term measure to maintain airfares at current levels. But, this wayang kulit has to end and price increases will be inevitable! There won’t be any more cheap flights. Expect to see requests for government bailouts.

When the financial tsunami finally hits Malaysia, companies that will be most vulnerable will be companies like Air Asia and those companies in the car business which are highly leveraged. Pak Lah’s cronies who are in the investment banking business up to their eyeballs will also suffer massive losses when their values hit south in the stock market.

Pak Lah’s cronies are all involved in these business and they ARE BLEEDING MONEY! And there is no blood transfusion available. The banks that were financing these businesses are stuck. If they provide more funds, it is throwing good money after bad. If they don’t provide additional liquidity to meet short falls and increasing costs, bankruptcy stares right into their faces!

If you have invested in these counters, get out when you can. But, if you have plenty of cash, you can buy exotic cars for dimes in the dollar. In so far as the shares of these companies, you can frame and hang them up as a reminder of your greed and stupidity.

Pak Lah’s cronies have been bleeding money and will be bleeding more money in the months ahead. Therein, lies the pain and agony because these cronies are in a dilemma.

It is only a matter of time before UMNO do Pak Lah in for screwing big time in the 12th General Elections. But the cronies are hoping and persuading Pak Lah to stay on so that their “investments” will not end up in smoke. But each time, UMNO members at Branch and Division levels calls for his retirement, they suffer a minor heart attack.

The billion question: “Do we liquidate and run with what we have in hand, or do we hold and wait for our fortune to turn for the better?”

Some have already liquidated and have made all the preparations for their get away – houses overseas, children studying abroad and minimum cash balances in local banks, with the bulk in foreign banks!

Oouch!!! Did I say foreign banks? Yep, and that is why they are also in a fix, what with these big global banks suffering massive losses and for all intent and purposes, insolvent. When these banks holding their ill-gotten gains fold up, I can assure you that they may very well jump from the 20th floor rather than face reality and shame. This is a given.

Don’t bother prosecuting them for corruption. It will be a waste of public funds. It is better that we watch them do their own thing.

These are desperation times and desperate people will do desperate things.

So when you read the news, please be careful, as there is more to it than meets the eye. I don’t mean just the main stream media but also some of the blogs as well. They are playing a subtle double game, part of Pak Lah’s web of deceit and deception.

In due time, I will expose them and named them specifically and lets see whether they dare sue me for defamation.

For now, I urge all of you to be vigilant.

Matthias Chang

Kuala Lumpur

19th April 2008

Berawans' Struggle in Mulu Paradise Continues

By Willie Kajan

Fighting an increasingly difficult battle, the Berawan struggle on in defense of native customary rights to their ancestral land that has now been alienated for development of the tourism industry. For the past few years, the community leaders have been trying to address the issue with the authority but nothing has come into effect.

MULU NATIONAL PARK

In year 1993, the Sarawak Government intensified its publicity campaign against this group of indigenous people. The state ministers and their deputies openly criticized the Berawan as greedy people and refused to meet them. They claimed that the development of the tourism industry in Mulu is for the benefit of the people and the state.

The Chief Minister of Sarawak Abdul Taib Mahmud was quoted by the newspapers as saying that the state government will not hold any meeting with the Berawan. He stated that the Berawan do not have any proof of their Native Customary Right claim to the land in Mulu and the government is not going to entertain these greedy people.

Judging from the official statistics, it could not be disputed that tourism sector has fast becoming a main foreign revenue earner to the country. However, we have doubts with the real gains considering that in this case of the Royal Mulu Resort, the indigenous communities are victimized and exploited.

The Superintendent of Land and Survey approached the landowner Tama Lian Mallang, who has ancestral land rights, in 1975. The Superintendent told him that the government wanted to acquire his land for the building of the Mulu National Park Headquarters. When his land was surveyed, it was 19.9 acres. The Superintendent informed him that the value per acre was RM80.00 and the authority took 3 years to award the compensation to the landowner.

Instead of building the Mulu National Park headquarters, the authority alienated this pieces of land to private company to build the Royal Mulu Resort costing RM60 million in 1991. The Royal Mulu Resort started operating at the beginning of year 1993.

Our investigations further revealed that it is the Chief Minister of Sarawak Abdul Taib Mahmud’s family that will benefit more from this tourist resort project.

This company was given a provisional land lease on May 13th 1993 to an area measuring approximately 243 acres for the proposed second phrase of the Royal Mulu Resort and other property development purposes by the state Land and Survey Department. The name of the company is Borsarmulu Resort Sendirian Berhad (Sdn. Bhd. means Private Limited Company).

The company was given only a provisional lease because of the Native Customary Right land claims submitted by 21 families to that parcel of land and 79 other families claiming the large portion of the Melinau River. If it is established that the Berawan have no NCR land claim over this land ( the Sarawak Land Code needs urgently to be reviewed to provide adequate protection for Native Customary Right land) then the company will be given a final land title and will then be able to make a fortune out of it.

We believe that the company has been granted more land for the proposed tourist resort. That could only be established when more local indigenous Berawan communities submit their NCR land claims to protect their ancestral land.

Borsarmulu Resort Sdn Bhd, is a company established on 25th February, 1991. Its principal nature of business is started as general trading, property development and investment holding.

The shareholders of this company Borsarmulu Resort SDN BHD Company number: 213014 -M with a paid up capital are as follows:-

(1)RSP ARCHITECTS PLANNERS and ENGINEERING ( PTE ) LTD, RM 5,667,322
(2)PERBADAN PEMBANGUNAN EKONOMI SARAWAK (Sarawak Economic Development Corporation), RM 5,667,322
(3)238313–V KENYALANG CERGAS SDN.BHD, RM 5,890,000
(4)120985-K PLIERAN SDN BHD, RM 5.729.010
(5)WIDERVALE ASSETS LIMITED, RM 4.563.686
(6)17568–D SARAWAK LAND SDN. BHD, RM 2.833.660

Names of the Directors / Officers of this company Borsarmulu Resort SDN BHD - Company number 213014

(1)Raziah @ Rodiah Binti Mahmud, Datuk Hajjah ( Director ) Sarawakian
(2)Robert Geneid ( Director ) Australian (Taib's brother-in-law)
(3)Wan Lizozman Bin Wan Omar ( Director ) Sarawakian
(4)Chua Hong Chin ( Secretary ) Sarawakian
(5)Albert Hong Hin Kay ( Director ) Singaporean
(6)Chiew Chee Chong ( Director ) Singaporean

Raziah @ Rodiah Binti Mahmud is sister of the Sarawak Chief Minister of Sarawak Abdul Taib Mahmud and Robert Geneid is the husband of Raziah @ Rodiah Binti Mahmud are the directors of this company. This shows clearly that it is the Sarawak Chief Minister of Sarawak Abdul Taib Mahmud’s family that will benefit directly from the tourist resort and the Mulu World Heritage site development in Mulu.

With his personal interests at stake, little do we wonder why his state cabinet refused to talk to the Berawan? Furthermore, the Dayak Politicians are silent over this very matter.

The Berawan struggle for their land rights for their basic livelihood, which depends on their ancestral land. The political elites want this land for their material gains.

Who would benefit from such development? Who is greedy?

“In Malaysia we have a Sarawakian Robin Hood, who commits day light land robbery from the poor indigenous people and gives it to the rich people”.

With little resources, the Berawan have intensified their campaign to defend their land rights a few years ago. They have received tremendous support from individuals and groups, locally and overseas. They have also been successful in lobbying the sympathy and support of visiting tourists in the initial stage.

However, with the government beefing up its local authorities, including the police force, the Berawan were harassed, arrested and have had to struggle under tremendous pressure.

With its control over the mass media and intensified official publicity, we have noted that the government is in its latest efforts, trying to cripple foreign support to the Berawan.

During the few days demonstration in the year 1993 at Mulu Airport and the Mulu Park Headquarters, the Berawan leaders informed the tourists that they were not stopping them going to the caves and pinnacles.

Their action was to inform tourists that the Berawan are on strike because the authorities have not taken heed of their demands on native customary rights land in Mulu, Sarawak. If they went to the Park, they would be promoting tourism development that deprives the natives of their rights over their ancestral land. If they did not go to the park, they would be showing their solidarity and respecting that the local Berawan have rights to their land. The Berawans distributed pamphlets to provide them with a more balanced view of the situation. However, notwithstanding the Berawans' tireless efforts their limited resources make it very difficult to match or counter the huge government machineries. The Berawans just want as much balanced views as possible to reach foreign tourists.

It was also learnt that a lot of government servants, the management, and their staff of the Mulu World Heritage site are stationed in Mulu, to campaign for their political master.

We cannot actually blame the tourists for accessing the site from the Royal Mulu Resort whose only source of information is these government servants' propaganda. However, there are those tourist friends who have managed to talk to the Berawan and other local indigenous people when they ventured outside the hotel on their own initiative. The latter, who appreciated a more balanced view of the situation, have had a better understanding of the problem and are sympathetic to and supportive of the struggle of the indigenous communities, of which the Berawan are the majority.

During the 22 days in year 1993 picketing at the Mulu airport and Mulu National Park, the Penan leaders and their people in Mulu came and supported the Berawans. The Penan leaders told them that certain government officials agitated against them. In their own support for the Berawans, the leaders acknowledged that their present settlement was on Berawan land, and the Berawan leaders have said to them that they have no objection to the Penans' settlement on their land. What the Berawans object to is the authority not consulting and asking for permission from them since they have inherited ancestral land rights over the area in Melinau @ Mulu.

On 13th August 1993, the Berawans filed a suit in the Borneo High Court Miri Sarawak to apply leaves for an order of Certiorari to quash the decision of the Respondents under Order 53 of the Rules of High Court, 1980 against the Director of Land and Survey, the Minister for Land and Resources and the State Government of Sarawak.

During the hearing on 25th August 1993, the counsel for the Berawan community stressed his points on the application for the leave the whole morning.The State Attorney General, Mr J.C. Fong argued that Borsarmulu Sdn Bhd was given a provisional lease of 243 acres that has yet to be surveyed. The SAG @ Mr J.C. Fong said the final survey might exclude land subject to claims. He further added that there were groups of Berawan were having discussion with the government that day in Kuching. The counsel withdrew the case then since native rights have not been extinguished under section 5(3) of the Sarawak Land Code.

There were about 40 Berawans attending the hearing and a dozen lawyers who were interested in the case. This is the first case in the Dayak history in which the state government was sued. The mass media, as usual, published a distorted report claiming that the Berawan case was struck out by the court.

The counsel briefed the Berawans about their first victory and step to be taken now - submitting their immediate claims, and at the same time, make boundaries with each other in the area of Melinau @ Mulu where their claim is valid. In the meantime, Borsarmulu Sdn Bhd cannot operate its activities on land where the Berawan people make their claims.

Though the Berawan struggle seemed to be over and peaceful, somehow, it was still alive.

Somehow, in June 11th 2007 Borsarmulu Sdn Bhd had been extended a new plankwalk project from the Royal Mulu Resort to the Mulu World Heritage area, which would trespass and encroach on the Berawan Native Customary Rights land and which should only go ahead with the free, prior and informed consent of the Berawan people involved or affected.

The Berawan people had sent a letter requesting compensation; somehow, the management of Borsarmulu Sdn Bhd ignored their demands until today.

The Berawans insist on recognition of their rights to veto any developments proposed on their Native Customary Rights land without their consent.

"All development in their NCR Land should only go ahead with free, prior and informed consent of the indigenous people involved or affected".

On August 28th 2007, the Berawan took action and instructed counsel of HNL and CO Advocates and Solicitors, well-known NCR lawyer Harisson Ngau, to deal with infringements of the law and trespassing of their Native Customary Rights land by construction of the plank walk. This could also involve claims of million of ringgit ultimately.

The Berawan have now had to return to their struggle and continue their protest against Borsarmulu Sdn Bhd, the Land and Survey Department, the Minister for Land and Resources and the State government of Sarawak.

We need your help and your support to spread the word and tell others about how the “official” story that communal conflict and NCR land disputes have been solved is not true. Be advised when you come over to Mulu so that you will be more aware of the issue. Please talk to the community people besides the government officials.

Send letters, fax and email messages or make telephone calls to the Chief Minister of Sarawak Abdul Taib Mahmud, and Deputy Minister of Tourism of Malaysia, Sulaiman Abdul Rahman bin Abdul Taib Mahmud protesting against their family’s business involvement in their Borsarmulu Sdn Bhd project, and support the Berawans' struggle to defend their land rights - these will be very much appreciated:

(1) Name: YAB Datuk Patinggi Tan Sri Haji Abdul Taib Bin Mahmud,
Address : Ketua Mentri Sarawak,
Pejabat Ketua Mentri,
Tingkat 22, Wisma Bapa Malaysia,
Petra Jaya, 93503 Kuching,
Sarawak, Malaysia.

Telephone: + 6 082 442211 (office); + 6 082 256556

(2) Name: YB Dato Sri Sulaiman Abdul Rahman Bin Abdul Taib Mahmud (son of Sarawak Chief Minister)
Address: Ministry of Tourism, Malaysia
Level 6, 21-23, 32-36, Menara Dato Onn,
Putra World Trade Centre (PWTC)
45 Jalan Tun Ismail,
50695 Kuala Lumpur,
Malaysia.

Telephone: + 6 03 2697 7108
Facsimile : + 6 03 2694 1146
Email : info@motour.gov.my

(3) Dato’ Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi
Prime Minister of Malaysia
Prime Minister’s Office,
Pejabat Perdana Menteri Malaysia,
Federal Government Administration Center,
Bangunan Perdana Putra,
62502 Putrajaya,
Malaysia.

(4) Dato Karam Chand Vohrah
SUHAKAM – Malaysian Human Rights Commission
The Human Rights Commission of Malaysia
Level 29 Menara Tun Razak
Jalan Raja Laut,
50350 Kuala Lumpur,
Malaysia.

Tel : + 6 03 2612 5600
Fax : + 6 03 2616 5620

Email : humanrights@suhakam.org.my

Your support in their campaign for native customary land rights will certainly contribute much towards the emancipation of our indigenous communities in Sarawak.

Yours Faithfully

Willie Kajan,

10th April 2008

welkaj@hotmail.com