Click here for more: http://JEJelani.hostthenprofit.com/everything_I_know/
|
Chin
Peng should be remembered in Malaysian history as an ardent freedom
fighter whose party – despite its failures in succeeding in its guerilla
warfare against the British and the Malaysian state – sowed the seeds
for labour organisation and resistance.
The
former Secretary General of the Malaysian Communist Party (MCP), Chin
Peng alias Ong Boon Hua died at the age of 88 in a private hospital in
Bangkok on September 16, the day Malaysians celebrated their national
day. It was on this same day, the Minister Mentor of Singapore, Lee Kuan
Yew, celebrated his 90th birthday.
According
to his aide, Chin Peng will be cremated at Bangkok's Wat That Throng
temple in a week's time. The news of Chin Peng’s death was carried in
all the media in the country as well as abroad. Yet in Chin Peng’s own
hometown of Sitiawan in the state of Perak, the people could only merely
whisper about the passing away of this legend. Even though the MCP is
gone, folks here are reluctant to talk openly about Chin Peng.
Like
Vietnam, Indonesia and Cambodia, Malaya had its share of
anti-imperialist/anti-colonial struggles in the 1940s and 1950s. In
Vietnam it was led by the guerilla freedom fighter and communist Ho Chih
Minh; in Indonesia it was led by (later President) Sukarno; and in
Malaya it was under the leadership of Chin Peng. The MCP formed in the
early 1930s first fought the Japanese and later the British. It is well
known and acknowledged that without the contribution of the MCP, the
British would have delayed the granting of political Independence in
1957.
Today
in Malaysia, the mention of Chin Peng's name brings about mixed
feelings. While his foes think that he was a traitor and a murderer
responsible for so many deaths during the civil war, others regard him
as a freedom fighter, a patriot and a nationalist.
Chin
Peng’s - who fought the Japanese, British and later the
Malayan/Malaysian authorities - last wish was to have his ashes buried
near the graves of his parents. The Malaysian government turned down
this request that came from the relatives who were there to attend the
funeral. In fact, before his death, Chin Peng always harboured the
desire to return to his hometown to pay his last respects to his
deceased parents. His parents and his family members are buried at the
Kong Hock Kong Lumut Pundut burial ground.
The
caretaker when interviewed said that Chin Peng's brother and relatives
would come and pay their respects every Qing Ming (All Souls Day). But
the government, apprehensive about reactions from rightist Malay
organisations and former servicemen associations, refused his entry.
Chin Peng even took the matter to court but he was unsuccessful because
he could not produce evidence of his birth in Sitiawan. Even an
international campaign that was launched to garner support for his
return failed to materialise.
Chin Peng and the MCP
Chin
Peng was born in 1924 in Sitiawan, Perak. His parents had a shop that
sold bicycles and spare parts. He was educated in Chinese in Nan Hwa
High School before continuing his education in English at Anglo-Chinese
School. The MCP had an organsed presence even before Chin Peng joined
the party. Under the influence of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP),
cells were established in Malaya to get the support of the overseas
Chinese for the communist cause in China.
Before
the invasion of the Japanese, the MCP supported the cause of the
Chinese revolution and at the same time laid the grounds for the
eventual communist takeover of Malaya. In doing so, the party carefully
created and sustained networks especially among the urban poor,
plantation and port workers. It was only a matter of time, before a
considerable section of the urban working class came to be sympathetic
towards the cause of the MCP and its affiliates.
Sitiawan,
the birth place of Chin Peng, is not a very impressive town. In the
early days, it was surrounded by rubber and coconut plantations and
small-holdings. Later, rubber was replaced by oil-palm. Only with the
establishment of a naval base in nearby Lumut port in the 1970s that
there was urban development in Sitiawan. The interesting thing about the
state of Perak is that it had produced a number of prominent
individuals who had played a role in the MCP and left-wing
organizations.
Chin Peng and Comrades
Apart
from Chin Peng, Rashid Mydin and CD Abdullah were prominent Malay MCP
leaders from places such as Parit and Ipoh. During the Emergency, in
Sungei Siput, another town in Perak, a Tamil by the name of Perumal
organised plantation workers very often defying and challenging European
planters. In the town of Slim River, R.G. Balan was the main labour
organiser who later was promoted to be the vice-chairman of the MCP. One
Panjang (tall) leader Muniandy who died some years back was a prominent
MCP commander in the Sitiawan area.
I
also come from a village called Kampung Baru, a few kilometers away
from Sitiawan town. My father who migrated from South India had rubber
and coconut small-holdings. Chin Peng's father was known to my father.
In the mid-1950s, I was around six years old; he took me to Sitiawan
town and purchased a small bicycle for my use from the bicycle shop
owned by Chin Peng's family. This episode is still vivid in my memory!
It
was the Japanese invasion that provided the opportunity for Chin Peng
to rise in the hierarchy of the party. The British withdrawal from
Malaya provided an opportunity for the MCP to enter into close
collaboration with the former. The withdrawing British agreed to assist
the MCP and its anti-Japanese front, the Malayan Peoples' Anti-Japanese
Army (MPAJA) during the course of the occupation. Apparently, the
British also agreed to recognise the MCP as a legitimate political
organization on the withdrawal of the Japanese from Malaya. Much later,
after the failure of the Baling Peace Talks, Chin Peng criticised the
British for not honouring their commitment to the party!
With
the end of World War II and just before the British arrived to
re-occupy Malaya, the MCP was not certain as to what exact strategy it
should adopt towards the British. Lai Tek, the party's secretary
general, later to be executed for being an agent of both the British and
the Japanese, formulated a policy of limited agitation and cooperation
with the British. This explains the reason why the British were able
re-enter Malaya with relative ease and without resistance from the MCP.
Some historians have lamented that just before the arrival of the
British, the MCP was the most powerful organization in the country but
it was not prepared to take power. Before the MCP could act against Lai
Tek for his betrayal, he fled the country, first to Thailand and later
to Hong Kong.
With
the exit of Lai Tek, Chin Peng was elevated to the post of secretary
general of the MCP. With his rise, the MCP abandoned its earlier
strategy of limited agitation and cooperation and decided to adopt a
more aggressive posture towards the British. With the support of his
affiliates, the MCP decided that the time had come to evict the British
from Malaya once and for all. Directives were given to his affiliates
and trade unions to launch massive strikes and demonstrations against
the British. With the assassination of three European planters in Perak,
the British launched an all out attack against the MCP and its
affiliates.
In
1948 the British declared an Emergency and brought in Australian, New
Zealand and Gurkha troops to engage the communists in a long and
protracted struggle. After 12 years of armed struggle, the MCP, unable
to put up an effective resistance withdrew its troops to southern
Thailand. Emergency rule was effectively ended in 1960. However,
guerrilla struggle waged by the MCP was not totally over. In states like
Perak and Pahang, the traditional strongholds of the MCP, occasional
guerrilla warfare was undertaken. The Malaysian government introduced
selective emergency measures to root out the remnants of communists even
during the early 1980s.
The Decline of the MCP
The
British counter-insurgency measures comprised of force, administrative
procedures and psychological tactics considerably weakened the MCP. By
the 1970s and 1980s, a number of international developments dented the
relevance of the MCP. For instance nationalist rivalry in communist
camps, the animosity between USSR and China, the tensions between China
and Vietnam and the pragmatic thrust of Deng Hsiao Ping's economic
policies led to the weakening of the ideological basis of the left. At
the domestic level, one of the greatest weaknesses of the MCP was the
lack of Malay/Muslim support. Furthermore, the party's close
identification with the Chinese community and its outward orientation
towards the Chinese Communist Party were factors that did not endear the
party to the local population.
Given the impossibility of launching a communist revolution in Malaysia under
changed international circumstances, Chin Peng decided to end the armed
struggle. On December 2, 1989, at the Haadyai Peace Talks in Southern
Thailand with both the Thai and Malaysian governments, the party decided
to lay down its arms and to disband its armed units. In return, both
the governments agreed to provide financial assistance for their
respective nationals for re-settlement in accordance with their laws and
regulations.
The
Malaysian government also promised that Chin Peng would be allowed to
come into the country just like his comrades Rashid Mydin, CD Abdullah,
Shamsiah Fakeh and many others. However, Chin Peng was in for a rude
shock. Following the Haadyai Peace Accord, the Malaysian government
broke its promise and refused to allow Chin Peng into the country.
Chin
Peng has died. Although his role in Malaysian politics is a
controversial one, it must be remembered that without the MCP, the
British would not have quickened the pace of Malaysia securing
Independence. In India, without the impact of the Indian National Army
(INA) under Subhas Chandra Bose, it is unlikely that Independence would
have been granted in 1947.
Political,
social and economic developments in post-war Malaysia would make no
sense without any reference to the MCP. The formation of trade unions
amongst urban and plantation workers was largely initiated by the MCP.
The fight against plantation capital for the improvement of the lives of
Tamil workforce was directly inspired by trade unions that came under
the influence of the MCP. It was the MCP which promoted and respected
Indian leaders. R.G. Balan of Perak became the vice-chairman of the MCP.
It also gave recognition to Malay leaders. The famous Malay Regiment in
Pahang operated was under the control of the MCP.
For
the Indian community in Malaysia, especially those who had involved in
trade unions activities both during the British colonial days and the
post-independence period, the MCP had a clear positive impact. After the
INA’s debacle at Imphal, many Indians returned and joined trade unions
that were affiliated to the MCP. Since they could not liberate India
from the British, joining the left-wing trade unions meant not only
getting back at their oppressor--the British--but also improving their
socio-economic lot. It was the tremendous sacrifice of the left-wing
trade unions that emboldened Indians in the plantations and urban areas.
Indians labourers especially Tamils described by the British
capitalists as "meek" and "docile" were organised, trained and mobilised
by the MCP affiliated unions to emerge as a force to assist the MCP in
its war against the oppressors.
Chin
Peng might not have succeeded in organising the communist revolution in
Malaysia. Malaysians might not have convinced that communism was the
real solution to the myriad problems of the society. But the fact
remains that he was less a communist than a left-wing nationalist. In
fact, those who joined the party were not inspired so much by the lofty
ideals of Marxism-Leninism, but practical necessity to change the
oppressive nature of the political and economic system. During his
times, it was the British colonialism and its naked oppression of the
masses that was something that that any decent human being could not
tolerate. Tamil plantation workers joined the MCP led trade unions not
for any abstract ideological reasons, but to end the exploitative nature
of the merchant capitalism in plantations.
Many
Malays joined left-wing nationalist organisations that came to be
affiliated to the MCP not because of their love for communism, but for
the sheer necessity to end the system that was oppressive and feudal in
nature. Poor Chinese villagers and workers joined the movement for
reasons of economic justice and for the simple reason that MCP was the
only fighting force against the Japanese imperialists who massacred
members of the Chinese community. For the Chinese, Malays and Indians
who readily participated in the activities of the left, the MCP provided
a vision for the future.
Note:
The
Economic and Political Weekly, published from Mumbai, is an Indian
institution which enjoys a global reputation for excellence in
independent scholarship and critical inquiry.
First
published in 1949 as the Economic Weekly and since 1966 as the Economic
and Political Weekly, EPW, as the journal is popularly known, occupies a
special place in the intellectual history of independent India. For
more than five decades EPW has remained a unique forum that week after
week has brought together academics, researchers, policy makers,
independent thinkers, members of non-governmental organisations and
political activists for debates straddling economics, politics,
sociology, culture, the environment and numerous other disciplines.
EPW
is also unique because it is the one forum where there is an exchange
of ideas across the social science disciplines - political scientists
debate with economists, sociologists read what political scientists have
to say, historians study what economists have to say and so on.
No comments:
Post a Comment