 If
 the Third Prime Minister of Malaysia, (Tun) Hussein Onn, had not 
nominated Mahathir Mohamad as his successor in 1981, the course of 
Malaysian history would have been very different.
If
 the Third Prime Minister of Malaysia, (Tun) Hussein Onn, had not 
nominated Mahathir Mohamad as his successor in 1981, the course of 
Malaysian history would have been very different.
Mahathir
 may have left office after 22 years in power, but today, he pops up 
like those annoying advertisements which appear, without warning, on 
your computer screen. Mahathir’s messages act in a similar way to some 
of those adverts; they can harm your computer with malware or other 
unwanted files, when they are “opened”. Perhaps, we need a spam-blocker 
that will work on Mahathir.
How
 will we ever learn from history, if we are prevented from examining 
what has gone badly wrong for this nation? Mahathir’s policies continue 
to divide the nation, but many Malays are under the illusion that he is 
their saviour. Sadly, after 56 years of independence, it is mostly 
non-Malays who are more Malaysian than the Malays.
Until
 we get a change in government, only one man can stop Mahathir’s 
deleterious effects on the nation - Najib Abdul Razak - but he either 
won’t or can’t bring himself to perform this saintly task. Such is the 
hold that Mahathir has over Najib.
Yesterday,
 Mahathir urged that MAS be privatised. His penchant for privatisation 
enables profitable companies to be annexed by his cronies or UMNO Baru 
nominees. This practice has all but bankrupted the nation.
 It
 is ironic that the man who once said that “Melayu mudah lupa”, should 
forget his role in handing the national airline carrier, on a golden 
platter to Tajuddin Ramli. Few MAS employees will ever forget how the 
company’s performance plummeted with Tajuddin at its helm.
It
 is ironic that the man who once said that “Melayu mudah lupa”, should 
forget his role in handing the national airline carrier, on a golden 
platter to Tajuddin Ramli. Few MAS employees will ever forget how the 
company’s performance plummeted with Tajuddin at its helm.
Mahathir
 observed that UMNO Baru had failed to tap into young, smart Malay 
professionals. He claimed that UMNO Baru, unlike PAS, did not like, and 
possibly feared people who were smarter than its leaders. Again, 
Mahathir mudah lupa. He once isolated younger men in his cabinet, like 
Anwar Ibrahim and Musa Hitam, in an attempt to contain their political 
aspirations.

When Mahathir was the Education Minister in the early 70s, he quelled student unrest with an iron fist. Did he forget that the Universities and University Colleges Act (UUCA), which many associate with UMNO Baru, stops young adults from their right to full political expression?
Younger
 people find the Opposition coalition more appealing and UMNO Baru is 
aware of this. In GE13, voters at polling centres were separated into 
one queue for elderly people and another for young adults.
EC
 officials ensured that the queues for the elderly moved relatively 
fast, whereas queues for the young moved with laborious slowness. In 
many instances, young voters, simply gave up and left despite staying in
 line for hours. UMNO Baru reasoned that young people were more 
impatient and impetuous, and welcomed their absence.
We
 are told that Najib is known as Bapak Transformasi (Father of 
Transformation). History will be the judge of his success at 
transforming both the nation, and his party, UMNO Baru.
Fears of greatest treachery
Najib
 realises that the nation is ripe for change but he is tortured by the 
recalcitrance of his party members. Like them, he has only his own 
interests at heart, and not the interests of the rakyat who elected them
 to office. He has only himself to blame for the bad example he set, 
which strengthened the UMNO Baru delegates’ resolve against reform.
Najib
 knows his enemies from outside the party, but he fears that the 
greatest treachery to befall him will come from within his own party. He
 knows that many within his own cabinet would not hesitate to stick a 
knife into his back.
 The
 new Home Minister Zahid Hamidi is openly defying Najib’s authority and 
also that of his cousin, Hishamuddin Hussein, the former home minister. 
Recently, Zahid unearthed 260,000 hard-core criminals, whereas 
Hishammuddin had found none and even had the audacity to tell the rakyat
 that the increase in crime was just a perception.
The
 new Home Minister Zahid Hamidi is openly defying Najib’s authority and 
also that of his cousin, Hishamuddin Hussein, the former home minister. 
Recently, Zahid unearthed 260,000 hard-core criminals, whereas 
Hishammuddin had found none and even had the audacity to tell the rakyat
 that the increase in crime was just a perception.
Zahid
 recently found 250,000 Shiite Muslims, when Hishammuddin did not even 
allude to them during his tenure as Home Minister. These are attempts to
 discredit Hishammuddin, and Najib, the cousin who put him there.
These
 machinations are possibly designed to unseat Najib at the crux of his 
political career, the UMNO Baru general assembly which will be held 
later this year.
Earlier
 this month, Zahid warned that if the Sedition Act 1948 was abolished, 
four aspects of the Federal Constitution, namely the special rights of 
the Malays, the status of Malay rulers, the status of Islam as the 
federal religion and the status of Malay as the national language would 
be affected. Putting on a defiant tone, he advocated for the Act to be 
retained and said that he was unwilling to compromise on this issue.
When
 Najib promised to repeal the Sedition Act, last year, was he using this
 as a carrot to trick the public into voting for UMNO Baru in GE13? Did 
Najib have any intention of keeping this promise or was it just a ploy 
to get the voters to think that he was a reformist?
Perhaps,
 Najib will use Zahid’s interjection as a convenient excuse not to 
repeal the Sedition Act and so win back the support of the hardliners in
 UMNO Baru.
Unlike
 Zahid, Najib is facing the most important battle in his political life.
 Is Zahid’s opposition to the abolition of the Act  a means to present 
himself as the true defender of the Malays and of Islam in Malaysia?
All roads lead to Mahathir
 
Zahid is not acting on his own and it is glaringly evident, that all roads lead to Mahathir. The former PM has been very vocal in the past few weeks and will continue until the UMNO party conference.
 to Mahathir. The former PM has been very vocal in the past few weeks and will continue until the UMNO party conference.
Zahid is not acting on his own and it is glaringly evident, that all roads lead
 to Mahathir. The former PM has been very vocal in the past few weeks and will continue until the UMNO party conference.
 to Mahathir. The former PM has been very vocal in the past few weeks and will continue until the UMNO party conference.
Mahathir
 will continue to instigate and foment dissent. His divisive policies 
are symbolic of his rule. When he left office in 2003, few outside of 
UMNO Baru were moved when he wept as he made his resignation speech. His
 successor, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi gave us hope, but even he failed the 
rakyat miserably.
Mahathir
 claims that UMNO Baru is the only party that can save the Malays. This 
is another of his damned lies. In truth, UMNO Baru has caused the 
downfall of the Malays; ordinary Malays have become beggars in their own
 land because of his policies, and the UMNO Baru elite are just pimps 
living off everyone else.
Today,
 time is running out for Malaysia, and if Najib does not act to defuse 
the racial and religious time-bomb set by Mahathir, it will cause untold
 damage to the country. Mahathir cares for nothing but the continuation 
of his legacy, through his son, Mukhriz. A leader who does not give a 
damn for the peace, prosperity and economic stability of the country, 
might as well be called the Father of Corruption. Apa lagi Mahathir mahu
 (What more do you want, Mahathir)?
 

 
 
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